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    Giuliani’s Bankruptcy Creditors Demand to Know His Spending

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    Besieged by creditors and with his income drying up, Rudolph W. Giuliani laid out an austerity program of sorts in January for a federal bankruptcy court.

    He would stick to a $43,000-a-month budget, he said in court filings, roughly in line with the income he drew from his retirement accounts and Social Security. That amount would cover, among other expenses, $5,000 in alimony payments to his ex-wife Judith Giuliani, $1,050 for food and housekeeping supplies and $425 for “personal care products and services.” He was also obliged to cover $13,500 in monthly nursing-home expenses for his former mother-in-law; she died in March.

    Suggesting that he was mindful of the $153 million he owes to creditors, including two Georgia election workers he defamed in the aftermath of the 2020 election, he budgeted nothing for entertainment, clubs and subscriptions.

    It did not take him long to blow his budget. In another bankruptcy filing, he said he actually spent nearly $120,000 in January. The accounting of his spending that he provided to the court was spotty and incomplete. He later provided more information to the creditors’ lawyers, listing 60 transactions on Amazon, multiple entertainment subscriptions, various Apple services and products, Uber rides and payment of some of his business partner’s personal credit card bill.

    It is not clear whether he has pared back his spending to within his budget in the months since January, because he has failed to submit required disclosures to the bankruptcy court. But his spending, and his inability or unwillingness to give the bankruptcy court a fuller look at his financial status, have left his creditors suspicious and angry.

    “These superfluous court filings are simply part of a larger effort to bully and intimidate the mayor through lawfare and a public smear campaign,” Mr. Giuliani’s spokesman, Ted Goodman, said.

    Once the mayor of New York City and later the personal lawyer to former President Donald J. Trump, Mr. Giuliani filed for bankruptcy in December after a federal judge ordered him to pay $148 million to the two Georgia election workers for falsely accusing them of rigging the outcome in President Biden’s favor. (Mr. Giuliani plans to appeal that judgment.)

    His filing listed $11 million in assets, including his Upper East Side apartment, which he put on the market last year for $6.5 million, took off the market this winter and plans to re-list, and his condo in Palm Beach, Fla., which he valued at $3.5 million.

    Four months into the bankruptcy proceedings, Mr. Giuliani’s financial disclosures have been incomplete, inaccurate and in some cases completely absent. His creditors have asked for more details and clarifications, hired a forensic accounting firm and made a broad request for information to see if he is hiding money and assets.

    The creditors’ lawyers recently issued a slew of subpoenas for documents, communications and information to Mr. Giuliani, people who work or have worked for him and even his son.

    Every additional penny that can be found in Mr. Giuliani’s pocket means a larger payout for his creditors, even if it is far less than what he actually owes them.

    That is why they also want him to collect $2 million that Mr. Giuliani claims he is owed in legal fees from Mr. Trump for the work he did leading the effort to overturn the 2020 election results.

    Mr. Giuliani lived a fairly frugal life during his mob-busting prosecutor and mayoral days.

    “Giuliani and money is a story in and of itself,” said Andrew Kirtzman, who wrote two books on the former mayor. “It begins with him leading a very unpretentious life.”

    These days, Mr. Giuliani brings in about $550,000 a year through disbursements from his dwindling retirement accounts and Social Security. His creditors want him to sell his properties in New York and Florida. But Mr. Giuliani recently told the bankruptcy court he would like to keep the Florida condo and live in it, suggesting that his creditors would not want him to be homeless.

    His creditors are skeptical.

    “It seems hardly worth pointing out that there is a vast gulf of housing options available between residing in an approximately $3.5 million Palm Beach condominium and homelessness,” lawyers for the creditors wrote in a court filing.

    His creditors also do not trust that he is being honest about the assets he does disclose.

    For example, Mr. Giuliani lists among his assets an undisclosed number of shares in Uber, the ride-share service. He declared that he has $30,000 worth of jewelry, but that includes three World Series rings from the New York Yankees that creditors estimate are worth about $15,000 each.

    He also failed to disclose a publishing contract for his upcoming book, “The Biden Crime Family.”

    “As my mother would say, they don’t trust Giuliani as far as they could throw him,” Bruce A. Markell, a bankruptcy law professor at Northwestern’s Pritzker law school, said of the creditors, based on the actions they have taken in bankruptcy court so far.

    His spending report for January was incomplete, with a list of two dozen charges to his American Express card, but no details. Lawyers for the creditors say he provided them a more detailed account, but it was not filed publicly in the court, as missing details typically are. And as of April 26, Mr. Giuliani had not provided details for his Discover card charges in January. The U.S. trustee assigned to his case did not respond to a question about why the additional details were not filed publicly in the court.

    One of the two Georgia election workers he defamed, Shaye Moss, was selected by Mr. Giuliani’s creditors to serve on a three-person committee to represent their interests throughout the bankruptcy case.

    The other committee members are Noelle Dunphy, a former employee who claims that Mr. Giuliani harassed and assaulted her beginning in 2019; and Lindsey Kurtz, the general counsel at Dominion Voting Systems, one of the largest voting machine vendors in the country, which has accused Mr. Giuliani of peddling falsehoods about it after the 2020 election.

    “The committee has no intention of letting the debtor drive his case and the creditors off a cliff,” the lawyers wrote in a recent motion.

    Mr. Giuliani entered his bankruptcy proceedings with a poor track record responding to discovery requests. Last year, a federal judge told jurors he intentionally hid information about his finances to shield his assets and make his net worth seem smaller.

    In bankruptcy, the debtor has an obligation to disclose all of his assets in a way that his creditors can understand what he has and the transactions he is making, Professor Markell said. Incomplete filings and failing to file requested material could end with the case being dismissed, which would open a debtor to foreclosures and collections.

    “The more there is a pushback and an ignorance of the ability to comply — especially from someone like Giuliani, who is a lawyer — the more concern there is that there is actually something being hidden,” the professor said.

    Mr. Giuliani has missed the filing deadlines for his February and March spending reports. Weeks ago, one of Mr. Giuliani’s lawyers, Gary C. Fischoff, said some filings have been delayed because “the accountant got upset at one point and wanted out.”

    “He’s calmed down,” the lawyer added, “and we persuaded him to stick with the case.” Mr. Giuliani’s accountants did not respond to a request for comment.

    Mr. Giuliani’s unresponsiveness, the creditors said, “leads one to question what he is hiding.”

    Bankruptcy law allows creditors to get even older information from the debtor as well as from his associates. Mr. Giuliani’s creditors have asked the court to use this broad discovery request to obtain details about his finances going back to 2019, as well as information from his associates.

    This request could unearth details about Mr. Giuliani’s foreign work, which has previously drawn scrutiny from the F.B.I. The forensic accounting team hired by the creditors is comprised of former intelligence officials with experience in countries where Mr. Giuliani did business, such as Ukraine, Turkey, Venezuela and Qatar.

    Mr. Giuliani’s age presents its own challenge to creditors getting paid.

    His circumstance differs from that of Alex Jones, 50, the bankrupt Infowars conspiracy broadcaster. Depending on the outcome of upcoming bankruptcy talks, Mr. Jones could work for decades to pay hefty damages to families of the Sandy Hook shooting victims for spreading lies about them. Mr. Giuliani turns 80 in May, and his future potential income is hampered by suspended law licenses in New York and Washington, D.C.

    The financial statements he filed in the court show he is losing money on his revenue-making businesses, such as his WABC radio show in New York.

    Mr. Giuliani continues to need lawyers in and out of bankruptcy court where he faces additional lawsuits, including a criminal indictment in Georgia for his and others’ efforts to overturn the 2020 election results in the state. And he was recently indicted in Arizona, where and others are also accused of trying to change the 2020 results.

    Friends have set up two legal defense funds. One is a political action committee, and donors include Elizabeth Ailes, the wife of the late media mogul Roger E. Ailes; Arnold Gumowitz, a New York real estate developer; and James Liautaud, the founder of the sandwich chain Jimmy John’s. Another donor is Matthew Martorano, a Puerto Rico-based businessman who is a defendant in a federal fraud case.

    The other fund, the Rudy Giuliani Freedom Fund, does not disclose the donors or the amount raised.

    According to a court filing, as of the end of January, Mr. Giuliani had drawn more than $1.2 million from the two funds to pay his lawyers. The total amount raised from both funds has not been publicly disclosed.

    His creditors’ lawyers have issued subpoenas for the names of the donors to his defense funds and receipts.

    May Day 2024: Workers and activists call for greater labor rights

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    ISTANBUL (AP) — Workers and activists around the world marked May Day with largely peaceful protests Wednesday over rising prices and calls for greater labor rights. Pro- Palestinian sentiments were also on display.

    Police in Istanbul used tear gas and fired rubber bullets to disperse thousands of people who tried to break through a barricade and reach the main Taksim square in defiance of a ban. Interior Minister Ali Yerlikaya said at least 210 people were detained.

    President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government has long declared Taksim off-limits for demonstrations on security grounds. In 1977, unidentified gunmen opened fire on a May Day celebration there, causing a stampede and killing 34 people. On Wednesday, a small group of trade union representatives lay a wreath at a monument to victims.

    May Day, which falls on May 1, is observed to celebrate workers’ rights. It’s also an opportunity to air economic grievances or political demands. “Tax the rich,” one banner in Germany read. “Don’t touch the eight-hour workday!” another read in Sri Lanka. “I want to live, not survive,” read one in France.

    In Paris, police fired tear gas as thousands of protesters marched through the French capital, seeking better pay and working conditions. Police said 12 officers were hospitalized after a homemade explosive was set off on the sidelines of the march. Twenty-nine people were arrested overall.

    A group of protesters set makeshift Olympic rings on fire to show discontent with the Summer Games that start in less than three months. France’s unions have warned of a strike during the Games if the government does not adequately compensate people forced to work during summer holidays.

    Government officials have failed to meet with union leaders, said Sophie Binet, the general secretary of the CGT union, one of France’s largest. “How do you expect it to go well if the authorities don’t respond to our simplest demand?” she said.

    Pro-Palestinian groups joined the Paris rally, chanting slogans in support for people in Gaza. There were similar scenes in Greece as pro-Palestinian protesters joined May Day rallies, waving a giant Palestinian flag as they marched past the Greek parliament. Others displayed banners in support of pro-Palestinian protesting students in the United States.

    Union members scuffle with Turkish police officers as they march during Labor Day celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra)

    A union member scuffles with plainclothes policemen as he marches with others during Labor Day celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra)

    A union member scuffles with plainclothes policemen as he marches with others during Labor Day celebrations in Istanbul, Turkey, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Khalil Hamra)

    “We want to express our solidarity with students in the United States, who are facing great repression of their rights and their just demands,” said Nikos Mavrokefalos at the march. “We want to send a message that workers say no to exploitation, no to poverty, no to high prices,” he added.

    Several thousand protesters joined the Athens marches as labor strikes disrupted public transport across Greece. The largest union demands a return to collective bargaining after labor rights were scrapped during the 2010-18 financial crisis.

    In Nigeria, unions criticized government efforts to ease the cost of living and demanded bigger salary increases. Inflation is the highest in 28 years, at over 33%. In South Africa, pro-Palestinian demonstrators joined May Day events. In Kenya, President William Ruto called for an increase in the country’s minimum wage.

    In Lebanon, pro-Palestinian marchers mingled with workers demanding an end to a miserable economic crisis. “Politicians do not feel the pain of the worker or the economic conditions,” said one demonstrator, Abed Tabbaa. In Iraq, protesters demanded better wages, the reopening of closed factories and the end to privatization of certain businesses.

    Tens of thousands Sri Lankans paraded through the capital as the country struggles through its worst economic crisis, two years after declaring bankruptcy. Discontent has grown over efforts to increase revenue by raising the price of electricity and imposing taxes on professionals and small businesses.

    In South Korea’s capital, thousands of protesters shouted pro-labor slogans at a rally that organizers said was meant to step up criticism of what they call anti-labor policies pursued by President Yoon Suk Yeol’s conservative government.

    Members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions gather to attend a rally on May Day in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. Workers, activists and others in Asian capitals took to the streets on Wednesday to mark May Day with protests over rising prices and governments' labor polices and calls for greater labor rights. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

    Members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions gather to attend a rally on May Day in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

    Members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions gather to attend a rally on May Day in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

    Members of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions gather to attend a rally on May Day in Seoul, South Korea, Wednesday, May 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

    “In the past two years under the Yoon Suk Yeol government, the lives of our laborers have plunged into despair,” Yang Kyung-soo, leader of the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, said in a speech. Union members criticized Yoon’s recent veto of a bill aimed at limiting companies’ rights to seek compensation for damages caused by union strikes.

    In Japan, more than 10,000 people gathered in Tokyo, demanding salary increases to set off price increases. Masako Obata, leader of the left-leaning National Confederation of Trade Unions, said dwindling wages have widened income disparities.

    In Indonesia, workers demanded protections for migrant workers abroad and a minimum wage raise. They gathered amid a tight police presence, chanting slogans against the new Job Creation Law and loosened outsourcing rules.

    In the Philippines, hundreds of workers and left-wing activists marched to demand wage increases and job security amid soaring food and oil prices. Riot police stopped them from getting close to the presidential palace.

    ___

    Turnbull reported from Paris and Kim from Seoul. Associated Press journalists around the world contributed.

    Had to pay more than expected at a California restaurant? A new law will stop surcharges

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    Under a new California law, California restaurants will no longer be able to charge customers surcharges, or service fees.

    Starting July 1, Senate Bill 478, or the “Consumer Legal Remedies Act: advertisements,” will ban “junk” fees on purchases made across California.

    This includes additional hidden fees related to online purchases, such as concert tickets or hotel rooms, food delivery and surcharges at restaurants.

    The California attorney general’s office confirmed on Tuesday with the San Francisco Chronicle that the law would apply to restaurant surcharges, which are often mistaken as tips or taxes, used to cover additional expenses, including employee health care or credit card processing fees.

    “Californians will know up front how much they’re being asked to pay, and no longer be surprised by hidden junk fees,” Senator Nancy Skinner said in an October statement from the Office of the Attorney General.

    Here’s what you need to know before the law takes effect:

    What are ‘junk’ fees?

    This law aims to prohibit “junk” fees, or drip pricing, where a price shown to consumers is lower than what they actually end up paying for a product or service at the final stage of purchasing, the bill states.

    This strategy has been used by businesses to attract customers by appearing as the most affordable option compared to competitors.

    While existing laws cover “unfair methods of competition,” such as false advertising, there’s no current law regulating hidden fees in California.

    “This act is not intended to prohibit any particular method of determining prices for goods or services,” the bill states. “This act is intended to regulate how prices are advertised, displayed, or offered.”

    How will SB 478 change how I shop and dine?

    Starting July 1, you won’t be caught off guard when it comes time to pay the tab or input your card information.

    Businesses will be required to disclose all charges ahead of time. This does not apply to taxes and government fees.

    Rather than charging a surcharge at the final stage of dining to cover additional costs and move away from tips, restaurants must fold the extra fees into menu prices to maintain transparency with all charges upfront, the San Francisco Chronicle reported on Tuesday.

    Are there any exceptions?

    Some exceptions apply to car rental companies and motor vehicle dealerships.

    Car rental companies will not be in violation of the law when including a disclaimer that additional mandatory charges can be imposed. Dealerships will not be in violation for not disclosing exact registration or licensing fees in the payments.

    What do you want to know about life in Sacramento? Ask our service journalism team your top-of-mind questions in the module below or email servicejournalists@sacbee.com.

    Everything Coming In Diablo 4’s Exciting Loot Reborn Re-Work

    Diablo IV is getting a major overhaul on the heels of its one year anniversary. Blizzard recently revealed almost every major change to come in season 4 later this month, and fans are excited for the action-RPG to finally fix some of the biggest complaints players have had since launch.

    Season 4 is called Loot Reborn and it goes live on May 14 at 1:00 p.m. ET. It’ll be the first new update since Diablo IV arrived on Game Pass for subscribers on Xbox and PC, and on paper at least, it’s a strong case for why players should care about the fun but inoffensive demon clicker again. While changes to Legendary gear, affixes, and the Codex of Power were first teased back in April, a new Blizzard blog post outlines the upcoming itemization rework in much more detail.

    Traditionally, Diablo IV seasons have only brought changes to the game’s Seasonal Realm. In this mode, players must create a new character from scratch and then journey out into Sanctuary, completing old story content or new seasonal activities while utilizing unique seasonal items, powers, and buildcrafting opportunities. In Loot Reborn, however, the biggest changes will impact players’ core Eternal Realm characters as well, making it the perfect opportunity for lapsed players to return and continue grinding with their original hero.

    Image: Blizzard

    Here are the key ways Loot Reborn is overhauling gear, crafting, and other loot-oriented systems:

    Loot

    • Fewer items drop from slain monsters
    • Legendary gear affixes reduced to three, rare gear only has two
    • Affixes will be more powerful (higher numbers) and easier to understand (fewer modifiers)
    • Materials gained from salvaging are increasing
    • Blacksmith activities will be cheaper
    • Enchanting rerolls will cost less gold
    • Sacred items will only be in World Tier III, Ancestral times will only be in World Tier IV
    • Uniques can drop in all tiers, Uber Uniques can drop at level 55
    • Items with Greater Affixes (Ancestrals and Uniques) drop with a distinct audio cue and icon
    • Each affix on an item has a chance to be a Greater Affix in World Tier III and IV
    • Crude gems are gone, normal gems are available at level 51, flawless at 71, royal at 91
    • Diamonds have had all resistance values increased
    • Topaz now boosts intelligence, sapphires boost willpower, amethyst boosts strength, emeralds boost dexterity

    Aspects

    • Aspects extracted from Legendary items are now permanently stored in your Codex of Power
    • Can be used indefinitely and will only keep the most powerful version found
    • Aspects with max rolls are denoted with a special border
    • Codex of Power keeps the highest Aspect (Seasonal or Eternal) when Seasonal Realm resets

    Tempering

    • Tempering manuals are collected and permanently unlock affixes like the Codex of Power
    • Each manual lets you add one affix from six different categories: Weapons, Offensive, Defensive, Mobility, Utility and Resource
    • Ancestral items can have two Tempered affixes from different categories
    • Tempering Durability limits the number of times an affix can be added

    Masterworking

    • End-game crafting system using materials from The Pit of Artificers
    • Improves overall strength of all affixes on a weapon massively upgrades one every fourth tier
    • The affix that receives the bonus will turn blue, then yellow, then orange
    • Fully masterworked weapons can be rest to boost different affixes

    It’s a lot to digest, but the end result should be a lot less junk dropping and more investment in improving and modifying your best gear, especially in the late game. Permanently unlocking Aspects and Affixes will hopefully cut down on a lot of tedious RNG grinds, while the best drops will still be reserved for those moments when you finally get really lucky. We’ll see how it ends up working in practice, but I’m excited to actually feel something in Diablo IV again come May 14.

    A screenshot shows the Tempering menu in Season 4.

    Image: Blizzard

    Season 4 will bring other changes and new content to the base game, and Helltide events are one of the chief beneficiaries. Surviving a Helltide onslaught will increase your threat level until you eventually become Hell-Marked and swarmed by an even bigger mob of demons, until a Hellborn embodying one of Diablo IV’s classes hunts you down. Baneful Hearts earned during Helltide exploration let you initiate Accursed Rituals, which end with the arrival of a Blood Maiden who’ll drop valuable rewards. Helltide events will also now be available starting at World Tier I.

    Pit of Artificers is a new timed boss rush mode for earning Masterwork crafting materials. Players earn Runeshards throughout the world and use them to activate the Obelisk in Cerrigar and descend into a pit. Players in groups of up to four have 10 minutes to kill everything in sight and defeat a boss before moving on to the next level of the pit.

    Finally, there’s a seasonal story surrounding a mercenary group called The Iron Wolves. Defenders of everyday commoners, the mercenaries are being mysteriously killed off with players left to discover why. That’s the extent of what Blizzard detailed about actual new seasonal content circumstances. Some players suspect this means Season 4 will be content light compared to the previous ones, with Blizzard having invested instead in overhauling deeper systems. If that’s the case, it seems like a worthwhile trade-off, especially ahead of Diablo IV’s Vessel of Hatred expansion later this year.

    Or it could just be that Blizzard is keeping Loot Reborn’s story content close to the vest until closer to release. A developer livestream on May 2 will dive deeper into the upcoming changes, with full patch notes for season 4 going up soon after.

        

    Paul Auster, the Patron Saint of Literary Brooklyn, Dies at 77

    Paul Auster, the prolific novelist, memoirist and screenwriter who rose to fame in the 1980s with his postmodern reanimation of the noir novel and who endured to become one of the signature New York writers of his generation, died on Tuesday evening at his home in Brooklyn. He was 77.

    His death, from complications of lung cancer, was confirmed by his wife, the writer Siri Hustvedt.

    With his hooded eyes, soulful air and leading-man looks, Mr. Auster was often described as a “literary superstar” in news accounts. The Times Literary Supplement of Britain once called him “one of America’s most spectacularly inventive writers.”

    Though a New Jersey native, he became indelibly linked with the rhythms of his adopted city, which was a character of sorts in much of his work — particularly Brooklyn, where he settled in 1980 amid the oak-lined streets of brownstones in the Park Slope neighborhood.

    As his reputation grew, Mr. Auster came to be seen as a guardian of Brooklyn’s rich literary past, as well as an inspiration to a new generation of novelists who flocked to the borough in the 1990s and later.

    “Paul Auster was the Brooklyn novelist back in the ’80s and ’90s, when I was growing up there, at a time when very few famous writers lived in the borough,” the author and poet Meghan O’Rourke, who was raised in nearby Prospect Heights, wrote in an email. “His books were on all my parents’ friends’ shelves. As teenagers, my friends and I read Auster’s work avidly for both its strangeness — that touch of European surrealism — and its closeness.

    “Long before ‘Brooklyn’ became a place where every novelist seemed to live, from Colson Whitehead to Jhumpa Lahiri,” she added, “Auster made being a writer seem like something real, something a person actually did.”

    His reputation was anything but local, however. He took home several literary prizes in France alone. Like Woody Allen and Mickey Rourke, Mr. Auster, who had lived in Paris as a young man, became one of those rare American imports to be embraced by the French as a native son.

    “The first thing you hear as you approach an Auster reading, anywhere in the world, is French,” New York magazine observed in 2007. “Merely a best-selling author in these parts, Auster is a rock star in Paris.”

    In Britain, his 2017 novel, “4321,” which examined four parallel versions of the early life of its protagonist — who was, like Mr. Auster, a Jewish boy born in Newark in 1947 — was shortlisted for the Man Booker Prize.

    His career began to take flight in 1982, with his memoir “The Invention of Solitude,” a haunting rumination on his distant relationship with his recently deceased father. His first novel, “City of Glass,” was rejected by 17 publishers before it was published by a small press in California in 1985.

    That book became the first installment in his most celebrated work, “The New York Trilogy,” three novels later packaged in a single volume. It was listed as one of the 25 most significant New York City novels of the last 100 years in a roundup in T, the style magazine published by The New York Times.

    “City of Glass” is the story of a mystery writer who is reeling from personal loss — an ever-present theme in Mr. Auster’s work — and who, through a wrong number, is mistaken for a private detective named, yes, Paul Auster. The writer begins to take on the detective’s identity, losing himself in a real-life sleuthing job of his own while descending into madness.

    In some ways the book was a classic shamus tale. But Mr. Auster chafed at being limited by genre. “You could also say ‘Crime and Punishment’ is a detective story, I suppose,” he said in his 2017 book, “A Life in Words,” a self-analysis of his own work.

    With its fractured narrative, unreliable narrator and deconstruction of identity, Mr. Auster’s approach at times seemed primed for analysis in college courses on literary theory.

    “Auster played brilliantly throughout his career in the game of literary postmodernism, but with a simplicity of language that could have come out of a detective novel,” Will Blythe, the author and former literary editor of Esquire, said in an email. “He seemed to view life itself as fiction, in which one’s self evolves exactly the way a writer creates a character.”

    As Mr. Auster put it in “A Life in Words,” “most writers are perfectly satisfied with traditional literary models and happy to produce works they feel are beautiful and true and good.”

    He added: “I’ve always wanted to write what to me is beautiful, true, and good, but I’m also interested in inventing new ways to tell stories. I wanted to turn everything inside out.”

    While to some critics such experimentalism brought to mind the deconstructionist approach of Jacques Derrida, Mr. Auster often described himself as a throwback who preferred Emily Brontë over the French philosopher Jean Baudrillard, as he said in a 2009 interview with the British newspaper The Independent.

    He eschewed computers, often writing by fountain pen in his beloved notebooks.

    “Keyboards have always intimidated me,” he told The Paris Review in 2003.

    “A pen is a much more primitive instrument,” he said. “You feel that the words are coming out of your body, and then you dig the words into the page. Writing has always had that tactile quality for me. It’s a physical experience.”

    He would then turn to his vintage Olympia typewriter to type his handwritten manuscripts. He immortalized the trusty machine in a 2002 book, “The Story of My Typewriter,” with illustrations by the painter Sam Messer.

    Such antiquarian methods did nothing to slow Mr. Auster’s breathless output. Writing six hours a day, often seven days a week, he pumped out a new book nearly annually for years. He ultimately published 34 books, including 18 novels and several acclaimed memoirs and assorted autobiographical works, along with plays, screenplays and collections of stories, essays and poems.

    His novels include critically acclaimed works like “Moon Palace” (1989), about the odyssey of an orphan college student who receives a bequest of thousands of books; “Leviathan” (1992), about a writer investigating the death of a friend who had blown himself up while building a bomb; and “The Book of Illusions” (2002), about a biographer exploring the mysterious disappearance of his subject, a silent-screen star.

    Among his memoirs are “Hand to Mouth” (1997), about his early struggles as a writer, and “Winter Journal” (2012), which, while written in the second person, examined the frailties of his aging body.

    By the 1990s, Mr. Auster had set his sights on Hollywood. He wrote several screenplays, some of which he directed.

    “Smoke” (1995), directed by Wayne Wang from a screenplay by Mr. Auster, was based on a Christmas story by the author published in The Times. It drew deeply from his life in Park Slope, where he shared a brick townhouse with Ms. Hustvedt.

    The film, heavy with philosophical musings, stars Harvey Keitel as Auggie, the proprietor of a Park Slope tobacco shop that is a locus for a colorful assortment of neighborhood dreamers and eccentrics. One is Paul Benjamin (Mr. Auster’s early pen name; Benjamin was his middle name), a cerebral, cigarette-puffing writer (William Hurt) whose life is saved when a young man (Harold Perrineau) pulls him from the path of a truck.

    The same year, Mr. Auster, with Mr. Wang, directed a loose-limbed comedic follow-up, “Blue in the Face,” sprinkled with cameos by a host of stars, including Lou Reed musing on cigarettes, Long Island and the Brooklyn Dodgers and Madonna delivering a saucy singing telegram.

    Mr. Auster would go on to write and direct “Lulu on the Bridge” (1998), about a jazz saxophonist (Mr. Keitel) whose life takes a turn when he’s hit by a stray bullet at a New York club; and “The Inner Life of Martin Frost” (2007), about an author (David Thewlis) who retreats to a friend’s country house for solitude, only to become entranced by a young woman there (Irène Jacob).

    In some ways, Mr. Auster’s detour into film was the culmination of a dream he had as a youth. In his early 20s, he had considered going to film school in Paris, as he told the director Wim Wenders in 2017 for Interview magazine.

    “The reason I didn’t pursue it was, fundamentally, that I was so grotesquely shy at that point in my life,” he said. “I had such difficulty speaking in front of a group of more than two or three people that I thought, ‘How can I direct a film if I can’t talk in front of others?’”

    Paul Benjamin Auster was born on Feb. 3, 1947, in Newark, the elder of two children of Samuel and Queenie (Bogat) Auster. His father was a landlord who owned buildings in Jersey City with his brothers.

    Paul grew up in South Orange, N.J., and later nearby Maplewood, but his home was not a happy one, he wrote. His parents’ marriage was strained, and his relationship with his father was remote. “It was not that I felt he disliked me,” Mr. Auster wrote in “The Invention of Solitude.” “It was just that he seemed distracted, unable to look in my direction.”

    He took refuge in baseball, a lifelong passion, as well as books. “When I was 9 or 10,” he told The Times in 2017, “my grandmother gave me a six-volume collection of books by Robert Louis Stevenson, which inspired me to start writing stories that began with scintillating sentences like this one: ‘In the year of our Lord 1751, I found myself staggering around blindly in a raging snowstorm, trying to make my way back to my ancestral home.’”

    After graduating from Columbia High School in Maplewood, he enrolled in Columbia University, where he participated in the student uprising of 1968 and met his first wife, the writer Lydia Davis, who was a student at Barnard.

    After receiving a bachelor’s degree in comparative literature in 1969, followed by a master’s in the same subject, he did a stint working on an oil tanker before moving to Paris. There he scraped together rent money by translating French literature while starting to publish his own work in literary journals.

    He published his first book, a collection of translations called “A Little Anthology of Surrealist Poems,” in 1972. In 1974, he returned to New York City and married Ms. Davis. He was soon trying such ventures as marketing a baseball card game he had invented before his writing career began to blossom in the 1980s.

    Along with success over the years came critical barbs. James Wood of The New Yorker used a 2009 review of Mr. Auster’s book “Invisible” to parody the tough-guy talk, violent accidents and “B-movie atmosphere” that Mr. Wood perceived in Auster novels. “Although there are things to admire in Auster’s fiction,” he concluded, “the prose is never one of them.”

    In 2017, Vulture published a tart appraisal of his work with the headline “What happened to Paul Auster? A decade ago he was a Nobel candidate.” Dismissing his novel as fodder for college-age neophytes, Christian Lorentzen, the article’s author, described Mr. Auster’s work as a “gateway drug to stronger stuff — Beckett, DeLillo, Auster’s own ex-wife Lydia Davis.”

    By that point, Mr. Auster had largely stopped reading reviews, arguing that even the positive reviews often miss the point. “No good can come of it,” he told The Independent. “I spare my fragile soul.”

    For a writer whose work was filled with themes of pain and loss, far greater pain would come his way.

    In the spring of 2022, his son Daniel Auster, 44, died following a drug overdose 11 days after being charged in the death of his 10-month-old daughter, Ruby. In a deposition, Daniel said he had shot heroin before taking a nap with his daughter and, on waking up, found her dead from what was determined to be acute intoxication of heroin and fentanyl.

    His father issued no comment on the death.

    In addition to his wife, Mr. Auster is survived by his daughter, Sophie Auster; his sister, Janet Auster; and a grandson.

    Mr. Auster remained prolific, publishing several books in recent years, including “Burning Boy: The Life and Work of Stephen Crane” (2021) and “Bloodbath Nation” (2023), a meditation on American gun violence. His final novel, “Baumgartner,” came out last year.

    Mr. Auster’s final novel, published in 2023. Credit…Atlantic Monthly Press

    As the novelist Fiona Maazel noted in The New York Times Book Review, “Baumgartner” is replete with many classic Auster touches that bring to mind his earlier works: the earnest, bookish male protagonist, the narrative instabilities. But it is also a novel that reflects the inner struggles of an author in his later years dealing with age and grief.

    “At its heart, ‘Baumgartner’ is about warring states of mind,” Ms. Maazel wrote. “Our hero is a philosophy professor (for clarity I’ll call him Sy, as his friends do) who lost his wife nearly 10 years ago in a freak accident and has been caught between hanging on and letting go — or even pushing away — ever since.”

    Despite his long and productive career, Mr. Auster at times expressed irritation that much of his career had been assessed in relation to “The New York Trilogy,” his breakout work.

    “There’s a tendency among journalists to regard the work that puts you in the public eye for the first time as your best work,” he said in “A Life in Words.” “Take Lou Reed. He can’t stand ‘Walk on the Wild Side.’ This song is so famous, it followed him around all his life.”

    “Even so,” he added, “I don’t think in terms of ‘best’ or ‘worst.’ Making art isn’t like competing in the Olympics, after all.”

    Orlando Mayorquín contributed reporting.

    Los Angeles Food and Lifestyle News for May

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    This post was contributed by a community member.

    Here is what’s happening this month in Los Angeles.

    Mother’s Day SpecialsMastro’s and The Palm’s

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    Shower your leading lady with a luxurious Mother’s Day Brunch at Mastro’s. Our brunch celebration includes gourmet selections, including an iced seafood tower, steak carving station, live entertainment, and a decadent dessert display, Sunday, May 12 from 10am to 2:30pm.

    This Mother’s Day, head downtown to The Palm’s for a perfect meal featuring their new Lobster Benedict, West Side Lobster Cobb Salad, and Japanese A5 Hokkaido Filet, Sunday, May 12 from 11:30am to 8pm.

    Hotel Figueroa

    Hotel Figueroa’s Café Fig restaurant will be adding Dungeness Crab and sweet corn omelette, squid ink linguine with little neck clams and a chcolate fondant with raspberry to their brunch menu, on Sunday, May 12 from 7am to 3pm.

    Poppy + Rose

    Head to DTLA to enjoy a special Mother’s Day brunch at Poppy + Rose including fluffy buttermilk pancakes, brioche french toast, fried chicken and waffles with honey butter & maple syrup, steak breakfast burritos and pulled pork hash, 9am to 3pm.

    Burke Williams Mother’s Day Specials

    Treat mom to a day of relaxation at Burke Williams. Their special Mother’s Day gift packages include Restful Release package with a 80-minute Pure Relation Massage or Spa Style Facial; Choice of Enhancement and one-day pass for $190; an Awakening Wellness package with a 80-minute Burke Williams Tranquility or Vitality Massage, Spa Bath of choice, 80-minute Regenerate Anti Aging Facial and three-day spa pass for $505 and a Healing Journey package featuring a H2V Spa Facial; 80-minute Relaxation Massage; Enhancement and three-day spa pass for $335. Visit https://www.burkewilliams.com for locations and to reserve packages.

    1 Kitchen at 1 Hotel West Hollywood

    1 Kitchen in West Hollywood is hosting a special Mother’s Day Brunch on Sunday, May 12 from 8am to noon. Book at https://www.1hotels.com/west-hollywood.

    El Torito

    El Torito locations in Anaheim, Irvine, Marina Del Rey and Northridge will offer an all day Happy Hour on Friday, May 3 and Saturday May 4 with drink specials including $12 House Margaritas and $8 tequila shots. On Sunday, an all-you-can-eat brunch featuring bottomless mimosas, a meat carving station, and tacos will be available from 9am – 2pm. From 3pm to close, a special Cinco De Mayo menu will be offered.

    Acapulco

    Restaurants in Glendale, Costa Mesa, Downey, and Long Beach will be offering an all day Happy Hour on Friday, May 3 and Saturday, May 4 with a variety of liquor specials. The following day, guests can enjoy a boozy Sunday brunch with $12 Bottomless Mimosas and Bloody Marys from 9am – 2pm.

    Cinco de Mayo Celebrations

    Socalo

    Santa Monica’s Socalo will be celebrating Cinco de Mayo on Saturday, May 4 with the following specials, Brunch from 9:30am to 3pm; Happy Hour with $4.25 tacos, $5 beers and $8 cocktails from 3 to 5pm, and a live mariachi band from 7 to 9pm. Lunch and dinner specials include a brisket taquito platter, crispy potato rajas taco platter and a grilled adobo marinated octopus. There is also a special Watermelon Margarita for $12. Guests can also get takeaway taco, quesadilla and margarita kits.

    Jim Beam Launches New Kentucky Coolers Flavors

    Jim Beam has launched four new refreshing crisp new Kentucky Cooler flavors including orange crush, peach crush, blueberry lemonade and strawberry lemonade, $15.99 for a 12-pack available nationwide.

    Hotel Per La’s Bar Clara Launches New Menu

    Hotel Per La’s Bar Clara in downtown LA has launched a new menu including Mediterranean inspired dishes including a baby kale salad and Mediterranean chicken wrap, as well as a new cocktail and wine menu.

    Abner Uribe, José Siri ejected after throwing punches in brawl in Brewers’ win over Rays

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    It was a very chaotic night at American Family Field on Tuesday.

    Milwaukee Brewers pitcher Abner Uribe and Tampa Bay Rays outfielder José Siri were both ejected from the Brewers’ 8-2 win after they threw punches during a brawl that broke out in the eighth inning. Brewers manager Pat Murphy and starting pitcher Freddy Peralta were tossed a few innings earlier, too, after Peralta hit Siri with a pitch.

    MLB issued fines and suspensions on Wednesday:

    • Peralta has been suspended five games and fined an undisclosed amount.

    • Murphy will sit for two games and was also fined.

    • Uribe was suspended six games and fined.

    • Siri will miss three games and was handed a fine.

    Peralta, Uribe and Siri will appeal their suspensions. Murphy will begin his suspension with Wednesday’s game.

    The main incident broke out in the eighth inning and quickly led to the ejections after both benches cleared. Siri grounded out to start the inning, and Uribe caught a toss from Rhys Hoskins to make the play at first.

    Almost immediately, though, the routine play fell apart. Uribe, who waited at the bag for Siri to get there before walking right past him, said something to Siri. That quickly escalated things, which led to punches being thrown as the scene turned incredibly chaotic.

    While it’s unclear what was said to spark the incident, it erupted very quickly. And given that punches were thrown, punishments are likely.

    “I’m glad nobody got seriously hurt,” Murphy said, via Bally Sports Wisconsin. “There’s a lot of emotion in the game … Things happen between people, you don’t know the history of everything, all I know is I’m better off not saying anything.”

    That incident came just two innings after Murphy and Peralta were ejected from the game. Peralta was tossed after he hit Siri with a pitch on a 3-0 count in the sixth inning. That set Murphy off, and the umpires quickly threw them both out of the game after Murphy came storming out of the dugout.

    Despite all of that, the Brewers had little issue grabbing the win. They got out to a 3-0 lead after two innings, and Willy Adames hit a three-run homer in the fifth to put them up 6-1.

    The win snapped a three-game losing skid for the Brewers, who now hold an 18-11 record. They’ll wrap up a three-game series against the Rays, who sit at 14-17, on Wednesday.

    China Releases CGI Video of Moon Base and It Contains Something Very Strange

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    Wait, is that a…

    Bill Blurr

    The China National Space Administration (CNSA) has shown off a CGI video of its vision of a lunar base, a vastly ambitious plan the country is hoping to realize in a matter of decades.

    The showy — albeit dated-looking — render shows plans for the International Lunar Research Station, a Chinese and Russian endeavor that was first announced in 2021.

    The video is also raising eyebrows for a bizarre cameo: a NASA Space Shuttle taking off from a launch pad in the distance, as spotted by Space.com.

    It’s either some next-level humor from the Chinese space program or a hilarious oversight, since the Shuttle has been retired for more than a decade — not to mention that China and NASA aren’t even allowed to talk to each other, nevermind collaborate.

    As space reporter Jack Kuhr later spotted, the state-run China Global Television Network came up with an equally hilarious fix to hide the Shuttle taking off in the background.

    “Boom problem solved,” Kuhr tweeted. “CGTN went ahead and slapped an ol’ reliable blur bar over the Shuttle.”

    Challenging Endeavor

    NASA retired its workhorse spacecraft in 2011, relying on Russia’s Soyuz capsules to staff the International Space Station until the advent of SpaceX’s Crew Dragon.

    Over decades, the Space Shuttle has become an iconic symbol of space exploration — and likely the most accessible 3D asset of a launching spacecraft to include in a render of a Moon base. NASA’s fleet of Shuttles flew a total of 135 missions between 1981 and 2011.

    It’s an especially ironic inclusion given growing US-China tensions. Just last month, NASA’s administrator Bill Nelson took aim at China, accusing its space program of hiding military experiments in Earth’s orbit.

    But apart from bungling promotional videos, China’s space agency has made major headwinds in its efforts to explore space, from successfully landing a spacecraft on the far side of the Moon to building out an entire space station in a matter of just two years.

    The country’s space agency is currently developing novel ways to construct lunar habitats using bricks made of lunar soil and is pondering whether to set up shop inside ancient lunar lava tubes.

    In short, its marketing department may not exactly operate at the cutting edge, but if there’s one country that has proven that it can lead the charge in establishing a permanent presence on the lunar surface, it’s China.

    More on China’s Moon base: China Announces Plans to Build Moon Base Using Lunar Soil

    Preventable Premature Deaths from the Five Leading Causes of Death in Nonmetropolitan and Metropolitan Counties, United States, 2010–2022

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    Discussion

    Rural residents, particularly those in noncore counties, experienced high percentages of preventable premature deaths during the study period. The rural-urban disparities in premature deaths varied by cause of death. However, disparities were not limited to place of residence. Disparities in all-cause premature deaths also were associated with other demographic factors (e.g., sex, race, and ethnicity) (11). For example, the highest rates of premature deaths were observed in rural counties where a majority of the population was Black, African American, American Indian, or Alaska Native (11). To address disparities in preventable premature deaths across rural and urban counties, data on disparities in cause-specific premature deaths from the five leading causes by rural-urban county category, race, and ethnicity are needed to inform interventions and health care policies for specific racial and ethnic groups. A follow-up of this analysis stratified by race and ethnicity will be published in subsequent reports, further contributing evidence to guide existing and new programs and policies.

    Cancer

    Overall, the decrease in preventable premature deaths from cancer was substantial and was greatest in urban counties where access to preventive services, treatment, survivor care, and specialty care is much higher than in rural counties (19). Large central metropolitan and fringe metropolitan areas achieved the benchmark rates in 2019. This is consistent with overall declines in cancer mortality, which decreased 27% between 2001 and 2020 (20). The decrease in preventable premature deaths likely reflects multiple factors. Increases in recommended screening for the leading causes of deaths from cancer (e.g., lung, colon, cervical, and female breast) have led to earlier detection, when treatment is more effective, and prevention by detecting cellular changes before they turn into cancer, as in the case of colorectal cancer (21). Increases in vaccination rates for cancer-causing viruses and decreases in prevalence of risk factors (e.g., combustible tobacco use) also have driven cancer mortality downward (22). Access to these cancer prevention and early detection strategies was increased with the expansion of Medicaid (23). New cancer treatments and therapies, specifically for lung cancer and melanoma, also have led to longer survival for those with a cancer diagnosis (24). CDC conducted a demonstration project on how to best provide care for persons living in rural areas who had cancer diagnosed (25). Although cancer is categorized as a single disease group in this analysis, each cancer site has different risk factors, has varying treatment methods, and can manifest itself in different ways among groups by sex, age, race, and ethnicity. Preventable premature death might vary depending on the cancer site and might not have decreased for cancers with increasing prevalence of risk factors (e.g., obesity), no recommended screening modalities, or therapies that have not changed. Lung cancer, the leading cause of cancer mortality, accounted for 23% of all cancer deaths in 2020 (20). Geographic differences in combustible tobacco use and use of lung cancer screening likely partially drive differences in lung cancer mortality. Access to lung cancer screening facilities is more limited in rural counties than in urban counties (26). Despite overall reductions in preventable premature deaths from cancer, premature deaths surpass the national average in micropolitan and noncore counties, highlighting the need in rural areas to reduce cancer-related premature deaths. Because more urban areas surpassed the 2010 benchmarks for cancer death rates in 2019, future updates to the cancer-specific benchmarks using more recent years of data might better reflect the lowest achievable death rates.

    Unintentional Injury

    The worsening and expanding drug overdose epidemic, increases in motor vehicle traffic fatalities, and falls drive the growth in preventable premature deaths from unintentional injury (27). Narrowing rural-urban disparities in the percentage of preventable premature deaths from unintentional injury were driven by worsening rates of preventable mortality in more urban areas, with the percentage more than doubling in large central metropolitan areas over the study period. For drug overdoses, access to medications for opioid use disorder continues to be more limited in rural counties, as evidenced by low buprenorphine dispensing rates and reduced treatment capacity (28). For motor vehicle traffic crashes, rural residents have an increased risk for death and are less likely than urban residents to wear seat belts (29). Evidence-based interventions reduce rural-urban disparities in seat belt use and motor vehicle death rates (30). Many fall risk factors are modifiable, implying that many falls can be prevented (31).

    Heart Disease and Stroke

    Disparities in preventable premature deaths from heart disease and stroke between rural and urban areas existed across the study period. These gaps increased from 2019 to June 2022, except in large central metropolitan counties where a decrease of three percentage points was observed from 2020 to 2021. Increases in preventable premature deaths from heart disease and stroke in 2020 and 2021 were likely associated with COVID-19–related conditions that contributed to risk-associated increased mortality from heart disease and stroke (32). Increases in systolic and diastolic blood pressure, a leading risk factor for heart disease and stroke, were observed among all age groups when comparing 2020 with 2019 (33). Inequities in control of hypertension (i.e., systolic blood pressure values of ≥130 mm Hg, diastolic blood pressure of >80 mm Hg, or both) were observed during the COVID-19 pandemic and are related to insufficient health care access, medication adherence, and monitoring (34). Patients might have delayed or avoided seeking emergency care when experiencing a life-threatening event during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic (35). Emergency department visits for heart attack and stroke decreased by 20% during the weeks after the declaration of COVID-19 as a national emergency on March 13, 2020, and hospital admissions for heart attack and stroke decreased during the pandemic (35). In addition, COVID-19 was associated with an increased risk for stroke and heart disease (36,37).

    Chronic Lower Respiratory Disease

    Despite the overall decrease during 2010–2020 (because of decreases observed in larger urban areas), the percentage of preventable premature deaths from CLRD was relatively stable in medium and small urban counties and rural counties during 2010–2015. During 2010–2022, the sharpest decline in preventable premature death from CLRD in urban areas occurred from 2019 through 2021 and could be the result of deaths from COVID-19 that otherwise would have been attributable to CLRD. Persons with CLRD (e.g., chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) are at increased risk for death from COVID-19 (38).

    Six-Week Abortion Ban Takes Effect in Florida

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    As Gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida prepared to run for president last spring, he gathered anti-abortion activists in his Capitol office for an unusual bill signing, held late at night and behind closed doors.

    Florida lawmakers had just approved a ban on abortions after six weeks of pregnancy, a major policy shift that would sharply restrict access to the procedure for women in neighboring states as well as for Floridians. That law took effect on Wednesday.

    For Mr. DeSantis, the move seemed like something that would play well among some Republican presidential primary voters in states like Iowa. But this was Florida, and public opinion polls suggested broad opposition to such a strict law.

    So Mr. DeSantis, who typically crisscrosses the state to sign bills, enacted the six-week ban in April 2023 with little fanfare, part of a headlong push into cultural conservatism meant to bolster his national campaign.

    Mr. DeSantis dropped out of the presidential race in January. His culture wars appear to have peaked, at least for now. Voters in a string of states, including more traditionally Republican ones, have chosen to protect or expand abortion rights. A similar ballot measure will go before Florida voters in November, with the potential to significantly influence contests down the ballot.

    Perhaps the biggest political question in Florida, though, is just how much abortion might swing the election. Is it unique enough to turn around a state that has trended reliably Republican?

    The proposed constitutional amendment, known as Amendment 4, would allow abortions “before viability,” or up to about 24 weeks, and would need more than 60 percent support to pass. That threshold is high, especially in the face of an organized opposition campaign characterizing the language as too far-reaching.

    “The average Floridian, when they hear the truth about this extreme amendment, they will vote it down,” State Representative Jenna Persons-Mulicka, a Fort Myers Republican, said last month.

    But some Floridians, including some Republicans, have wondered whether a relentless pursuit of divisive policies ahead of Mr. DeSantis’s presidential run might now be forcing a bit of recalibration to be more in line with the state’s diverse electorate.

    The governor and Republican lawmakers pursued fewer culture war fights during this year’s legislative session. They made it harder for residents to file book challenges in schools. The state also settled a lawsuit filed by opponents of a law prohibiting instruction on sexual orientation and gender identity through the eighth grade.

    “We’re very much Middle America,” said the Rev. Sarah Robinson, pastor of the Audubon Park Covenant Church in Orlando, who attended a “Yes on 4” rally last month. “Middle-class people who are trying to raise families and care for their communities. And there are definitely things that they’d rather be doing than fighting these policies.”

    National Democrats have expressed optimism that the abortion ballot measure could put Florida in play, despite no clear commitment of how much money the party is willing to spend in the state and a substantial Democratic disadvantage in voter registrations. President Biden briefly spoke about the six-week ban in Tampa last week, and Vice President Kamala Harris will travel to Jacksonville to draw attention to the state ban on Wednesday.

    Asked on Tuesday about Democrats’ hopeful claims, Mr. DeSantis offered a dismissive “Pfft” and laughed.

    “I welcome Biden-Harris to spend a lot of money in Florida. Light up the airwaves,” he said, indicating that the funds would be poorly spent. “We are fine with you doing that here, but I can confidently predict that you will see Republican victories, not just at the top of the ticket but up and down the ballot.”

    “This was done to help Ron DeSantis in his ambitious plan to run for president,” State Senator Lauren Book, the Democratic minority leader, said of the ban. “It didn’t work, and it has really created dire, dangerous consequences for women.”

    Florida is full of transplants from the Northeast and Midwest, and their cultural politics have skewed more liberal — or at least more libertarian — than those in other parts of the Deep South. Floridians have elected Republicans while also approving liberal ballot proposals, including ones that raised the minimum wage to $15 an hour, restored felons’ voting rights and legalized medical marijuana.

    Before Mr. DeSantis enacted a 15-week abortion ban in April 2022, Florida allowed abortions up to 24 weeks.

    John Stemberger, the president of Liberty Counsel Action, an anti-abortion lobbying group, said that Florida’s 24-week law had less to do with public opinion and more to do with legal precedent set by the Florida Supreme Court in 1989. The court ruled then that a privacy clause in the State Constitution extended to abortion rights.

    “It didn’t really reflect the demographics of Florida,” Mr. Stemberger said of the old ruling. “It reflected the opinion of seven justices who made a policy-oriented decision.”

    The court, now conservative and nearly entirely appointed by Mr. DeSantis, reversed that position on April 1. Mr. Stemberger credited Mr. DeSantis for stocking his administration with “solid social conservatives” willing to push abortion restrictions: “Personnel is policy.”

    Even with the 15-week ban in place, there was an uptick in abortions in Florida last year, in part because women from other Southern states with stricter laws had traveled to Florida for the procedure.

    Stephanie Loraine Piñeiro, executive director of the Florida Access Network, a fund that helps women in Florida pay for abortions, said that requests for support doubled in April, as the countdown to the six-week ban was underway. The organization increased its budget by 25 percent for the month but still had to turn away some patients.

    “The reality is that people are going to continue to need abortion access,” she said, “regardless of the election cycle.”