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    Staffing shortages, pandemic, politics take toll on Pennsylvania teachers | News | Pittsburgh

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    click to enlarge

    Capital-Star Photo: John Altdorfer

    Becky Cibulka, a former West Mifflin Area School teacher, poses for a portrait on Mon., March 14, 2022.

    When Becky Cibulka retired from the classroom last year, the West Mifflin Area School District lost more than a teacher.

    The district lost a Spanish/ESL teacher, department head, social media manager, club advisor, and school-to-work program coordinator.


    Education wasn’t the same as when the 41-year-old started teaching almost 20 years ago.



    Still, her decision to leave didn’t come easy or without guilt.


    It was a slow burn that started with voluntarily taking on additional roles, helping as a marching band assistant, planning service projects, and overseeing the Spanish club. Being involved in the community — where Cibulka grew up and still lives — was a chance to build relationships with students, parents, and alumni.


    Eventually, her responsibilities expanded.


    “I like being busy. I like always having things to do. That was never a problem for me,” Cibulka told the Capital-Star. “But I think what ended up happening was that I was very involved. And as time went on, there was no reward for it, not that I was looking for some reward. A thank you would be nice, but the more that I did, the more I felt they started to pile on to me.”



    When the coronavirus shut down schools nationwide in March 2020, districts scrambled to adjust teaching methods to ensure students could continue learning safely. Some schools continued to offer meal services and provided technology resources to fill the gaps that traditional school operations addressed naturally.


    Although buildings are currently open, a national staffing crisis has presented new challenges. Teachers have sacrificed their preparation periods and lunch breaks to cover for their colleagues, often in spaces consolidated to accommodate limited resources and larger classes.


    “With the staffing crisis at the level that it is right now, our folks in the schools just can’t perform all those duties, and the students are not getting the one-on-one attention they need,” Pennsylvania State Education Association President Rich Askey told the Capital-Star.


    And during a year when everyone had hoped for somewhat of a return to normalcy, students are acting out and dealing with learning gaps . Ahead of the 2021-22 academic year, community members lashed out at school boards about health and safety plans. And parents, motivated by misconceptions about what’s taught — or not — in the classroom, have left teachers feeling like they’re under fire from every angle.


    For years, Pennsylvania has seen a decline in graduates entering the education field. Now, some teachers are considering leaving the profession sooner than they initially planned.



    “People are just overwhelmed,” said Sen. Lindsey Williams (D-Allegheny), the ranking Democrat on the Senate Education Committee. “I can see the frustration.”


    ‘Customer service has no place in education’
    Fewer students were taking Spanish last year, so Cibulka, who earned a master’s degree in human resources, was put in charge of the school-to-work program, an opportunity for kids to work while also receiving a grade.


    Because she managed social media for the Spanish club, the district had her teach a course on it. Cibulka’s role later expanded to include running the high school’s Facebook, Instagram, and eventually, TikTok accounts, a responsibility she called a “24/7 job.”


    “I was teaching different levels of Spanish, doing the school-to-work program, running social media accounts, teaching a class, which was brand new, never done before, so it was a lot,” she said.


    Cibulka found herself driving to school earlier and earlier. When the district shifted its schedule during the COVID-19 pandemic, she was usually at work by 6 a.m. to use copiers, print papers, and prepare.


    “I found that the earlier I got there, the less people came to me to get information,” she said, adding that she would usually go home around 4:30 p.m. but continued to answer emails from students with questions or parents with concerns.


    The first indication where “things started to take a downturn” was in 2015 when Cibulka resigned as a marching band assistant and applied to graduate school. She stepped down not because of problems with students but with parents “causing silly issues.”


    “Teaching was not the way it was when I first started teaching. There was more of a customer service aspect to teaching than there ever was,” Cibulka — who previously worked summers at an amusement park in customer service — said. “Customer service has no place in education. We’re professionals. The parents should not dictate what the teachers can and can’t do. And I was starting to get the feeling that that’s the direction education was heading.”


    When the district hired a new superintendent the summer of 2020 before the first full pandemic academic year , it was a turning point for Cibulka. She had an opportunity for a new job at a hospitality company, and teachers with at least 16 years of experience had an early retirement option.


    Cibulka, who had taught in the district for 15 years as of last year, asked her union, without naming her, to see if the school would grant the retirement incentive despite being one year short of the requirement.


    West Mifflin administrators agreed.


    “I was happy they were going to let me take it, but at the same time, that really showed me that they weren’t thinking about how much I would contribute or who it was,” Cibulka said, explaining that the more years teachers worked in the district, the more they made. “With everything extra that I did, a lot of it I didn’t get paid for, but that’s all that really mattered in the grand scheme of things, how much money they would save.”


    She doesn’t want to discourage anyone from going into education. But Cibulka said anyone considering becoming a teacher needs to know the realities of the job.


    “Things aren’t getting better. If anything, they are getting worse,” said Cibulka, who still keeps in touch with her former colleagues predicting more teachers will end up leaving and taking retirement incentives. “And a lot of them probably won’t be replaced.”


    ‘An unprecedented level of strain’

    The educator shortage is at an “unprecedented level of strain,” Askey said, with teachers and support staff stretched for time and resources.

    In a recent survey by the National Education Association, which represents nearly 3 million educators, 99% of respondents reported burnout — an occupational phenomenon caused by exhaustion, cynicism, and reduced efficacy, as defined by the World Health Organization — as a “serious problem.”


    And 55% said they are ready to leave the profession earlier than planned.


    “Stop and think about that,” Askey told the Capital-Star. “What would we do if half our teachers left the profession at the end of this school year?”

    click to enlarge The Pennsylvania Senate Democratic Policy Committee holds a virtual hearing on the school staff shortage on Tue., Feb. 1, 2022. - PHOTO: ZOOM SCREENSHOT

    Photo: Zoom screenshot

    The Pennsylvania Senate Democratic Policy Committee holds a virtual hearing on the school staff shortage on Tue., Feb. 1, 2022.

    Since 2010, Pennsylvania has seen a 66% decline in Instructional I teaching certificates, the state’s most basic teaching accreditation awarded to graduates who pass their certification tests, issued to in-state graduates. Data from the Department of Education also reflect a 58% decline in certificates issued to those planning to work out-of-state.

    “This is not sustainable,” Askey said during a February Senate Democratic Policy Committee meeting on school staff shortages.


    Williams said the General Assembly should focus on recruitment and retention efforts to start addressing the “multi-faceted problem.”


    Ahead of this year’s budget negotiations, legislative Democrats formally launched a push for the most significant funding allocation for Pennsylvania’s public schools in state history. Their blueprint would allocate $3.75 billion for education, staffing, and classroom resources.


    In his final budget proposal , Democratic Gov. Tom Wolf — who campaigned on education reform — again called for raising the minimum teacher salary to $45,000 per year. The term-limited governor also proposed measures to keep and retain quality school staff.


    “We are not graduating enough educators, especially diverse educators,” Williams told the Capital-Star. “We’re talking about teachers of color and teachers that look like our students. We’re not graduating near what we need to fill retirements and other people who leave the profession.”


    Late last year, the Republican-controlled Pennsylvania Legislature passed a bill that provided temporary relief with added flexibility to requirements for substitute teachers . Wolf signed the legislation, which expires after the 2022-23 academic year.


    At the time, Askey praised the bill and called it a step toward solving the shortage by expanding the eligibility pool. But it’s not a permanent solution, he said.


    Data from the Department of State show that the average annual salary for a classroom teacher in Pennsylvania is $71,478, with salaries ranging from $39,000 to $104,000. Numbers from the Pennsylvania School Boards Association show that daily substitute teachers were paid on average $105 per day during the 2020-21 school year.


    The most frequent pay rate for substitutes was $100, and the minimum reported rate was $78 per day. The maximum pay rate was $160, according to a PSBA survey of Pennsylvania public school districts, with 462 respondents reporting a daily rate.


    Askey added that teacher and substitute salaries need to be increased. He also urged lawmakers to find ways to address educators’ student debt by making tuition more affordable and by cutting costs associated with certification tests and fees for additional credits and professional development.


    Left unaddressed, Askey predicted larger class sizes and course cuts, with the students ultimately being the ones “short-changed.”


    “You’re not going to have the wide array of subjects available to our students,’’ Askey said of what’s at stake. “Our students are not going to have the opportunities that they need.”


    Recounting a conversation with a school-based therapist in her district, Williams said the federal pause on student loan payments was the only reason a constituent could stay in the profession.


    “If that hadn’t happened, she wouldn’t have been able to afford to stay in,” Williams said.


    Williams has announced plans for two bills that would forgive student debt for school-based mental health professionals and provide internship stipends to school nurses, counselors, social workers, and psychologists.


    ‘Those little things build up’
    Adam McCormick, a 39-year-old high school English teacher in the Scranton School District, loves his job, but “the profession weighs a little more these days,” he told the Capital-Star.


    “I definitely feel more exhausted day-to-day than I have in the past,” McCormick said.


    The problems existed before the pandemic, but the health crisis compounded challenges as districts had to adjust and address issues at a faster pace, he said.


    When McCormick outlined challenges caused by the staffing shortage to the Senate Democratic Policy Committee last month, he asked administrators to coordinate a schedule, so he could still teach and not “tax the already tight schedules of my colleagues and students.”


    Under “normal circumstances,” he would have taken a professional day to appear before lawmakers.


    “You can always go to them if you need additional help,” McCormick said of building-level administrators. “But even they’re limited in their ability to provide some of that additional help.”


    From meeting statewide standardized testing requirements to taking on responsibilities outside their daily job — such as holding breakfast in homeroom like Scranton middle school teachers do — McCormick said teachers have “been expected to do more with less.”


    “And that has become a burden,” he said. “Those little things build up. Instead of taking that time to get your day together and do any last-minute things you need to do, you’re looking out to make sure that everybody gets what they need as far as their breakfast. When I was growing up, that just wasn’t the case.”


    McCormick said working with kids is the easiest and best part of the job, especially after more than a year of digital instruction and limited contact with students.


    Erin, a 43-year-old special education teacher in Blair County, hasn’t left the profession yet. But she’s feeling the impacts of the staffing shortage and an increased caseload.


    “It’s not that I hate my job. I don’t hate my job. It’s just that my job is very stressful, and our job duties just keep increasing,” Erin, who asked to be identified by her first name so she could speak candidly, told the Capital-Star. “I also try to serve as a role model for our new teachers, so we don’t leave them.”


    With students and teachers returning to the classroom, Erin hoped for a sense of normalcy. However, student behavior and their attitudes are worse, she said, guessing time away from in-person learning contributed to the shift.


    In a 53-page report released by U.S. Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy last year, the nation’s top physician warned that young people were facing “devastating” mental health effects tied to the pandemic, which uprooted their lives and isolated them from peers.


    Symptoms of anxiety and depression doubled among young people, Murthy wrote. He added that negative emotions, impulsivity, and irritability increased among adolescents.


    Last year, Erin provided services for almost 290 students. Although this year’s demand has declined to 71 students, her department has seen special education teachers pulled to cover other classes. She recognizes that the school has to work with available resources but added that “it takes away from the students who need a specialist or when their co-teachers aren’t in the classroom.”


    Even when work is “chaotic,” and she feels like she has nothing left to give, Erin said the kids have ultimately kept her in the classroom.


    “You have those moments,” she said. “They say this thing or that thing, and you’re like, ‘Wow. That’s awesome.’ You have these warm and heartwarming moments.”


    Both educators said they consider themselves burned out, and while they still think teaching is an admirable profession, they recognize that it’s not for everyone.


    “It’s a fairly thankless job,” McCormick said. “You have to intrinsically feel that motivation and reward because you’re not going to get it from many people outside … if they’re looking to make money, this may not be the right thing to do. But if they’re looking to make a difference in somebody’s life, I don’t think there’s any job better.”


    ‘We’re being burned’
    Ask Shanna Danielson, a 35-year-old middle school band director in Adams County, about teacher burnout, and she’ll say: “We’re not burning out; we’re being burned.”


    Danielson, who is in her 10th year of teaching and her first at a new school, said she has “never had to endure a climate like this.” She’s witnessed a group of “rowdy” parents shout at new teachers to take their masks off — and booing them when they declined — during a meet-and-greet with new staff members.


    “You feel like every single thing you do is being watched,” she said.


    Educators have faced criticism for enforcing COVID-19 health and safety guidelines. They’ve also been at the center of a culture war, with false claims about the college concept Critical Race Theory , all while just trying to do their jobs.


    Last fall, the Republican-controlled Legislature passed a GOP-penned bill that would require Pennsylvania schools to make all instructional materials, techniques, and syllabi publicly available. Wolf vetoed the legislation, calling it a “thinly veiled attempt to restrict instruction and censor content reflecting various cultures, identities, and experiences.”


    Legislative Democrats argued the bill would fuel debates over Critical Race Theory, which is not taught in K-12 schools. Williams described the legislation as a “distraction from actually addressing the real issues that are happening in schools.”


    She added: “Every time I talk to students, every time I talk to educators, they talk about mental health. How can we get more mental health staff in the classroom? How do we get services that are more responsive to what students need? How do we get those services to educators?”


    Danielson admits that she sometimes wonders why she continues to go to work each day.


    But she has never questioned why she went into teaching — “because there’s nothing like the moment when you help somebody figure something out that they couldn’t do before, and they get that spark in their eyes.”


    And she will never discourage someone interested from becoming a teacher. If she did, the current crisis would only get worse.


    “I just want to get to a point where we don’t have to keep trying to make it better,” Danielson said. “It’s just better.”

    Gas prices slightly lower, but no sign of significant relief in future

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    The price of gasoline continued moving lower over the weekend after setting a record high a week ago, but despite the efforts of some lawmakers to ease the pain at the pump, any signs of longer-term relief are very hard to find.

    The average price for a gallon of gasoline in the U.S. slipped on Sunday to $4.252, according to the latest numbers from AAA. The price on Sunday was $4.255. 

    The previous record high was $4.33, set on March 11. 

    GAS PRICES SPENT WEEKEND LOWER

    Several lawmakers made moves last Friday to lessen the pinch on consumers’ wallets caused by the rise in gas prices.

    In Michigan, Gov. Gretchen Whitmer proposed temporarily freezing Michigan’s 6% sales tax on gasoline and diesel fuel as a way to lower high pump prices and keep intact road and bridge funding.

    Gas prices dropped slightly from $4.255 Sunday to $4.252 early Monday morning, according to AAA. 

    The Democratic governor’s statement came as she told legislators she would veto Republicans’ attempt to suspend for six months a different tax at the pump — the 27.2-cents-per-gallon gas and diesel levy.

    In Maryland, Gov. Larry Hogan, a Republican, immediately put a 30-day suspension of the state’s gas tax into effect in response to skyrocketing prices.

    A person pumps gasoline into their car. (iStock / iStock)

    The Maryland law applies to the state’s 36-cents-a-gallon tax for gasoline. A driver of a vehicle with a 12-gallon tank will save about $4.32 a fill-up. It also applies to the state’s tax on diesel fuel, which is nearly 37 cents.

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    Hogan described it as a bipartisan effort to provide some relief to Marylanders because of gas prices that could go up even higher after the country cut off Russian oil imports in response to the war in Ukraine.

    In Georgia, Republican Gov. Brian Kemp signed into law a bill calling for suspending Georgia’s motor fuel tax through the end of May.

    Lawmakers in both chambers of the General Assembly approved House Bill 304 without opposition, in an attempt to give drivers a break from high gas prices.

    CLICK HERE TO READ MORE ON FOX BUSINESS

    Georgia’s gasoline price includes a federal tax of 18.4 cents per gallon and a state tax of 29.1 cents per gallon. A number of cities and counties also charge taxes. Federal taxes on diesel fuel are 24.4 cents per gallon, while Georgia’s tax on diesel is 32.6 cents per gallon. The measure would also abate Georgia’s taxes on aviation gasoline, liquefied petroleum gas and other fuels including compressed natural gas.

    FOX Business’ Ken Martin and The Associated Press contributed to this report.

    Rafia Zakaria: Feminism is not only white | Culture | Arts, music and lifestyle reporting from Germany | DW

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    Rafia Zakaria has followed a life path that may seem unusual for a US American feminist: Born and raised in Pakistan, she seized an opportunity to emigrate to the States aged 17 through an arranged marriage.

    “One night after dinner, sitting on the edge of my bed in mid-1990s Karachi, I agreed to an arranged marriage,” she writes in the opening pages of her book, “Against White Feminism.” Her motivation? She wanted to go to college.

    “My life until then had been restricted in all sorts of ways, hardly extending beyond the walls that surrounded our home. I had never experienced freedom, and so I gladly signed it away,” she continued.

    Zakaria begins her celebrated book with this confession before recounting how she went on to study law against her husband’s wishes. She eventually left him and became an expert in immigration law.

    But this is background to the main story: How Western feminism is shaped by the dominant priorities of white women.

    What is ‘white’ feminism?

    In Rafia Zakaria’s life, feminism is not abstract theory but sheer necessity. If there had been no women’s shelters, she might not have been able to leave her husband. If women were still denied access to universities, she might not have been able to study law.

    But while the book lauds feminism’s achievements, her personal experiences also reveal its failings in her adopted home.

    ‘Against White Feminism’ is now also available in German

    Zakaria recounts being invited to give a talk on the status of women in Pakistan. On arrival, she learns that she is not to stand on a stage in front of a microphone, but behind a table with printed pictures of rural Pakistani women in traditional dress and a table of small handicrafts — which could be bought from her to raise money for projects abroad.

    The organizer was appalled, she said, when Zakaria didn’t show up in her “traditional” garb like some other Nepal women in attendance. Zakaria says she felt like an animal in a zoo.

    Her point is that white, affluent, often university-educated women determine what feminism should be — and its political goals. Black women, on the other hand, should only appear as victims, cowering in women’s shelters or toiling in factories.

    She says that some white feminists cannot conceive that Women of Color might have different political goals than white women.

    ‘Feminism as a cover’

    Zakaria cites the example of a western NGO encouraging Indian rural women — so they would have more time to seek waged labor outside the home — to use more efficient “clean cook stoves,” which they neither needed nor wanted, in part because they could not repair the stoves locally.

    The author writes that many of the women “rejected the notion that the path to empowerment was to make themselves available for wage labor.”

    She also draws attention to the way white feminists co-opted the war in Afghanistan in the name of feminism in the wake of September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. Feminists from the US such as Gloria Steinem and Hollywood actors Susan Sarandon and Meryl Streep signed onto letters that promised to liberate Afghani women from the Taliban.

    The consequences, says Zakaria, can be observed in Afghanistan today.

    “The US used feminism as a cover when it invaded Afghanistan, so women’s rights in Afghanistan are no longer considered legitimate but a sign of pro-Western collaborators,” she told DW. “This deeply saddens me.”

    The US knew from the beginning that it would leave the country again, she added, but did nothing to protect women afterward.

    Zakaria notes that as early as the 19th century, British suffragettes demanded that women in colonial India campaign for women’s suffrage. When Indian feminists did not comply, white suffragettes wanted to fight for Indian women’s suffrage but did not attempt to liberate them from colonial subjugation.

    “Indian women wanted the vote, but in a country that was no longer under the colonial rule of the British,” Zakaria writes. “What power did a vote have in an enslaved country?”

    From rights to political organizing

    Ciani-Sophia Hoeder, journalist and author of the book “Wut und Böse” (Rage and Evil), published in 2021, says that the feminist movement in Germany is also shaped by the views of white women.

    She refers to white feminism’s “exclusionary criteria” and says she is not drawn to participate in “feminist issues that do not correspond with my everyday life,” Hoeder told DW.

    Questions about women’s work almost never refer to the precarious work of migrant women. “German feminism was about bringing white, affluent women forward,” she said.

    But Rafia Zakaria professes to be hopeful about the future: She believes in the power of feminism.

    What matters now, she says, is listening to each other and getting involved politically. “It’s nice to have rights,” said Zakaria. “But we can’t keep our rights if we don’t organize politically — otherwise our rights will just be taken away again by new governments.”

    This article was originally written in German.

    North Carolina vs UCLA NCAA Tournament Sweet 16 odds, tips and betting trends

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    A spot in the Elite Eight of the NCAA Tournament will go to either the No. 4 UCLA Bruins (28-7) or the No. 8 North Carolina Tar Heels (26-9) when the teams meet in a East Regional Region bracket matchup. Bookmakers think UCLA will emerge victorious, naming the as 2-point favorites. The action starts at 9:39 PM on Friday at Wells Fargo Center.

    UCLA is 20-15-1 against the spread this season compared to North Carolina’s 20-16-1 ATS record. The Bruins have gone over the point total in 19 games, while Tar Heels games have gone over 22 times. The two teams combine to score 152.1 points per game, 9.6 more points than this matchup’s total. UCLA has a 6-4-0 record against the spread while going 9-1 overall over the past 10 games. North Carolina has gone 8-2-0 against the spread and 9-1 overall in its last 10 contests.

    Here’s what you need to get ready for Friday’s college basketball game.

    North Carolina at UCLA odds, spread and lines

    Odds provided by Tipico Sportsbook; access USA TODAY Sports Scores and Sports Betting Odds hub for a full list.

    Spread: UCLA -2
    Total: 142.5
    Moneyline: UCLA -136, North Carolina +114

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    North Carolina at UCLA odds, spread, & more

    Prediction

    UCLA 74, North Carolina 70

    Moneyline

    The Bruins have won 28 of the 32 games they were the moneyline favorite this season (87.5%).
    UCLA has a 28-4 record (winning 87.5% of its games) when it has played as a moneyline favorite of -136 or shorter.
    Based on this matchup’s moneyline, the Bruins’ implied win probability is 57.6%.

    The Tar Heels have entered the game as underdogs 10 times this season and won five of those games.
    North Carolina is 5-4 this season when entering a game as the underdog by +114 or more on the moneyline.
    The oddsmakers’ moneyline implies a 46.7% chance of a victory for the Tar Heels.

    Against the spread

    The Bruins score just 1.7 more points per game (73.6) than the Tar Heels give up (71.9).
    UCLA is 12-7-1 against the spread and 17-2 overall when scoring more than 71.9 points.
    When North Carolina allows fewer than 73.6 points, it is 9-5 against the spread and 14-0 overall.
    The Tar Heels score 16.1 more points per game (78.5) than the Bruins allow their opponents to score (62.4).
    When it scores more than 62.4 points, North Carolina is 15-12-1 against the spread and 22-7 overall.
    UCLA has an ATS record of 16-9-1 and a 23-3 record overall when its opponents score fewer than 78.5 points.
    The Bruins have scored a total of 392 more points than their opponents this year (an average of 11.2 per game), and the Tar Heels have out-scored opponents by 230 points on the season (6.6 more per game).

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    Over/Under

    The average implied total for the Bruins this season is 74.6 points, which equals their implied total in Friday’s game.
    So far this season, UCLA has put up more than 72 points in a game 24 times.
    The Tar Heels’ average implied point total on the season (77.9 points) is 7.9 points higher than their implied total in this matchup (70 points).
    This year, North Carolina has put up more than 70 points in 28 games.

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    How to watch UCLA vs. North Carolina

    Game Day: Friday, March 25, 2022
    Game Time: 9:39 PM ET
    Live Stream: Hulu

    Find out how to watch March Madness live on Hulu!

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    Is It Okay to Take Melatonin For Your Sleep? A Doctor Explains The Risks

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    I have been a doctor for over 20 years, 12 of which were dedicated exclusively to the practice of sleep medicine. Over the years, I have seen an enormous increase in the use of melatonin by my patients and their families. Although melatonin has helped many of my patients, there are some concerns that I have that are worth sharing.

     

    First, I am not sure most of my patients that took melatonin before my clinical evaluation knew exactly what melatonin was. Melatonin is a hormone produced by a gland in the brain called the pineal gland. The main function of melatonin is sleep regulation.

    Melatonin levels increase in response to darkness, telling the brain that night has arrived and it is time to sleep. When there is bright light, as in the morning, melatonin production shuts down and the brain knows that it is daytime.

    The day-night regulation properties of melatonin and light make them the two key factors in the establishment of the internal sleep-wake clock, or what is called the “circadian cycle”.

    A circadian disorder occurs when there is a mismatch between the internal clock and the socially accepted time to go to sleep or to wake up, as is seen when someone travels across time zones and has jet lag. But jet lag sometimes can occur in the absence of travel. For example, when you remain in an environment of bright lights until late hours of the night, you fool your brain into thinking that it is still daytime.

     

    In this case, melatonin production does not occur and you don’t feel sleepy until the late hours of the night, or sometimes early hours in the morning.

    I have seen many teenagers come to my clinic because they can’t sleep until 2 am or 3 am, but they’re up watching videos on their electronic devices until late at night.

    I usually recommend my patients turn the lights off at a reasonable time and expect sleepiness to start occurring within one hour. But it takes time for the natural clock to adjust to a new schedule, and often my patients prefer to use a melatonin supplement to quicken the circadian time adjustment.

    With the increase in use of electronic devices, sleep disorders have become quite common and melatonin use has increased. Because of its sleep-promoting properties, melatonin is also an incredibly attractive option for people who suffer from insomnia or sleep disruption.

    Over-the-counter melatonin

    In some countries, such as the US, melatonin can be bought without a prescription. This situation concerns me because a lack of regulation can mean an increased risk of taking a different dose or ingredients than those reported.

    In fact, a study of melatonin supplements found that the content of the hormone ranged from -83 percent to +478 percent of the labelled content. The researchers also found other substances that were not reported to be in the preparation, including serotonin and valerian.

     

    In the EU, the UK, Canada and Australia, melatonin is obtained only by prescription for the short-term treatment of insomnia. This approach allows for better regulation, understanding and explanation of risks, benefits and alternatives to the use of melatonin.

    Even though melatonin is a naturally occurring hormone, it does not come without side-effects, the most common being headaches and dizziness. It can also interact with other medicines, such as anticoagulants (drugs that help prevent blood clots).

    The best evidence of safety for the use of melatonin is for short-term use only (one to three months) and in low doses (0.5-1mg). The long-term effects of melatonin remain unknown.

    Have I used melatonin or recommended it to my patients? Absolutely. But only when I know exactly what I am recommending it for. Insomnia can be a symptom of a sleep disorder like restless legs syndrome or obstructive sleep apnea, or it can be a symptom of another condition, such as depression, asthma or pain.

    When a sleep specialist identifies the correct diagnosis, then the treatment options can be explored. When I need to prescribe melatonin, I usually recommend starting with the lowest dose possible (0.5 mg) one to two hours before their current bedtime, and I recommend that the patient turns their lights off, or dims them, before taking melatonin. I also recommend avoiding other contributors to poor sleep, such as caffeinated products after 3 pm, heavy exercise in the evening, or the use of electronic devices before bedtime.

    Lourdes M. DelRosso, PhD Candidate, Sleep Disorders, University of Portsmouth.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

     

    Hong Kong to ease strict COVID measures from April, lifts flight ban

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    HONG KONG, March 21 (Reuters) – Hong Kong plans to relax some anti-COVID-19 measures next month, lifting a ban on flights from nine countries, reducing quarantine for arrivals from abroad and reopening schools.

    The moves, announced on Monday by Chief Executive Carrie Lam, come after a backlash from businesses and residents who see the rest of the world shifting to “living with the virus”.

    Residents in the Chinese ruled territory have become increasingly frustrated with the stringent measures, many of which have been in place for over two years.

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    A ban on flights from Australia, Britain, Canada, France, India, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines and the United States would be lifted from April 1.

    “The flight ban is no longer timely and appropriate…it will bring huge disturbances to Hong Kong people who are stuck in these nine countries if we continue the ban,” Lam told a news briefing.

    Hotel quarantine for arrivals could be cut to seven days from 14 if residents tested negative, Lam said. She had previously said measures would be in place until April 20.

    Schools would resume face to face classes from April 19, after the Easter holidays while public venues including sports facilities would also reopen from April 21, she said.

    Hong Kong’s border has effectively been shut since 2020 with few flights able to land and hardly any passengers allowed to transit, isolating a city that had built a reputation as a global financial hub.

    Businesses and the city’s economy are reeling from widespread closures, while doctors say many of the city’s 7.4 million residents are grappling with rising mental health issues, particularly among low income families.

    Lam’s policy turnaround comes after her administration has been scolded repeatedly by politicians, pro-Beijing media and on Chinese social media, just weeks before the city is due to hold an election on May 8 to choose who will lead the territory for the next five years.

    She declined to comment on whether she will run for a new term.

    EXIT STRATEGY

    A plan to carry out mass coronavirus testing would be put on hold, Lam said, citing experts who said it was not a suitable time. Hong Kong needs to have a clear exit strategy rather than trying to completely eradicate the virus, experts said.

    While the former British colony has officially stuck to the “dynamic zero” coronavirus policy, similar to mainland China, which seeks to curb all outbreaks, it has been shifting to mitigation strategies as deaths skyrocketed.

    Hong Kong has registered the most deaths per million people globally in recent weeks – more than 24 times that of rival Singapore – due to a large proportion of elderly who were unvaccinated as the highly transmissible Omicron variant ripped through care homes since February.

    The densely packed city has recorded more than 1 million infections since the pandemic started and about 5,000 deaths – most of them in the past month.

    As many as 4 million people could be infected according to estimates from health experts as many residents have contracted the virus and isolated at home without notifying authorities.

    Lam said social distancing measures would be eased in phases starting April 21, allowing restaurant dining after 6 p.m. with tables of four people from two currently.

    Nightclubs, pubs and beaches would be allowed to open in the second phase while people would be allowed to exercise outdoors without a mask. Masks are currently compulsory everywhere outside the home.

    Until this year, Hong Kong had been far more successful at controlling the coronavirus than many other cities its size, but the latest wave of infections swamped its world class medical system, morgues are overflowing and public confidence in the city government is at an all-time low. read more

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    Reporting by Farah Master, Twinnie Siu, Jessie Pang, Anne Marie Roantree and Queenie Garcia; Editing by Christopher Cushing & Simon Cameron-Moore

    Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

    What’s New In Fortnite Chapter 3 Season 2: No Building, New Overshields, And More

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    After a jarringly quiet lead-up to its launch, Fortnite Season 2 has arrived. Season 2: Resistance sees the Imagined Order complete its comeback to the island, using massive drills to break through the terrain and unload a bevy of troops ready to take Artemis back from The Seven. We’ve got a complete breakdown of Season 2’s new weapons, new vehicles, gameplay changes, new battle pass heroes–including Doctor Strange–and a lot more. Here’s your complete overview of Fortnite Season 2.

    No building, new overshields, and more

    Stunningly, Fortnite Season 2 has launched without building mechanics. That’s right, you won’t be able to throw up a wall when under fire–at least not yet. According to dataminers, building will return to the game on March 29, but that means for a little over a week, you’ll be left to fend for yourself without the help of builds.

    Now Playing: Fortnite Chapter 3 Season 2 Resistance Story Trailer

    To counter that, however, new gameplay mechanics have been introduced. This includes a new tactical sprint–which is used in bursts but faster than regular sprinting–as well as other boons like overshields to extend time-to-kill and a new vaulting mechanic. Since you can’t build up to a roof, now you can climb up there by hand.

    For now, the mode is considered an LTM, but should it prove popular, we expect Epic may consider keeping it a part of the game going forward. For now though, it’s front and center, so get in there and fight without walls, ramps, or cranking 90s–see if you can still notch your Victory Royale without channeling your inner build warrior.

    Battle pass

    The Fortnite battle pass once again features eight new heroes, including seven unlockable as fast as you choose to get them, and an eighth–Marvel’s Prowler–who is this year’s midseason skin. Here’s the full list of battle pass characters for Season 2 (hint: Prowler isn’t the only Marvel hero making his debut). Head here for the full breakdown of all 100+ battle pass rewards.

    From left: The Origin, Tsuki 2.0, Kiara K.O., Doctor Strange, The Imagined, Prowler, Gunnar, Erisa
    • Tsuki 2.0
    • Gunnar
    • The Imagined
    • Kiara K.O.
    • The Origin
    • Erisa
    • Doctor Strange
    • Prowler

    How to get Marvel’s Prowler

    Prowler, one of Spider-Man’s foes, is taking up arms for the IO in Season 2, and you can unlock him later this season. As usual, Prowler will come with his own challenges you’ll want to complete in order to gather his whole cosmetic set. Here’s how to unlock Marvel’s Prowler in Fortnite.

    Map changes

    The IO is re-establishing a foothold all across the island.
    The IO is re-establishing a foothold all across the island.

    Like every season, Fortnite Season 2 comes with many map changes. The main one this season is new territorial lines established by the IO or the Resistance. New vehicles such as tanks, blimps, and revised helicopters decorate major locations and tip you off as to whether they’re occupied by friends or foes. Here’s a complete rundown of the map changes in Fortnite Season 2.

    New weapons and items

    Combat SMG
    Combat SMG

    A wildly revised loot pool comes along for Fortnite Season 2, bringing out lots of old weapons and introducing several brand-new ones too. Here’s all you need to know about the Fortnite Season 2 weapons, including which Exotic and Mythic weapons are available.

    Omni Sword quests

    The Omni Sword can be styled however you'd like.
    The Omni Sword can be styled however you’d like.

    An early battle pass reward is the Omni Sword, a fully customizable pickaxe that you can design however you see fit. Once you unlock it, you can chase down special Omni Sword challenges to earn customization slots. Here’s how to unlock the Omni Sword and Omni Chips.

    NPC locations

    The island’s inhabitants have been shuffled around once more, bringing new faces to new places. You’ll want to meet everyone to buy items, hire them as allies, and unlock perks like future storm circle intel. Here we’ll give you a guided tour of where all these NPCs can be found–once we find them all ourselves!

    GameSpot may get a commission from retail offers.

    Miley Cyrus releases fast-paced teaser clip in sheer bodysuit following performance at Lollapalooza

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    Miley Cyrus releases fast-paced teaser clip in sheer bodysuit following performance at Lollapalooza in Chile

    Miley Cyrus took to Instagram Sunday with a high-energy clip in which she donned a sheer bodysuit.

    The music superstar, 29, captioned the clip, ‘GO B**** GO!’ with the hashtags, ‘#ATTENTION and #MILEYLIVE.

    In the frenetic black-and-white clip, Cyrus had a short blonde bob and danced and strut, later saying the phrase, ‘Go b**** go!’

    The latest: Miley Cyrus, 29, took to Instagram Sunday with a high-energy clip in which she donned a sheer bodysuit

    The singer was seen wearing sunglasses in portions of the musical clip.

    The fast-paced teaser included many close-ups of the songstress spliced with full body shots as she walked from a dark room toward a light door. 

    The Wrecking Ball artist had a busy weekend as she was the headlining act for Lollapalooza Chile 2022, held in Santiago, Chile at Parque Bicentenario Cerrillos.

    Cyrus donned a skintight blue metallic jumpsuit with black boots at the ensemble concert, which also featured A$AP Rocky and DJ Alesso.

    Cyrus looked fit in a sheer bodysuit she wore in the black and white clip

    Cyrus looked fit in a sheer bodysuit she wore in the black and white clip 

    The music superstar captioned the clip, 'GO B**** GO!' with the hashtags, #ATTENTION and #MILEYLIVE

    The music superstar captioned the clip, ‘GO B**** GO!’ with the hashtags, #ATTENTION and #MILEYLIVE

    The fast-paced teaser included many close-ups of the songstress spliced with full body shots as she walked from a dark room toward a light door

    The fast-paced teaser included many close-ups of the songstress spliced with full body shots as she walked from a dark room toward a light door

    In a clip she later posted to the social media site from her concert outing, Cyrus addressed her fans on her enthusiasm in hitting the road again and appreciation for the Chilean culture.

    ‘I knew that these festivals were going to be extra special because I am so inspired by all of you and inspired by the culture, all of the color and the tradition. And I love … a culture that respects and honors everything that was before us.’

    Cyrus added, ‘I see a lot of evolution also, I see a lot of Pride flags out here … I see a lot of cute boys with some makeup on, a little bit more makeup than me if that’s humanly possible.

    ‘I wanted to put together a show that, like you, honors every part of my history, my present and my future.’

    Cyrus was seen dancing on the floor in the clip

    Cyrus was seen dancing on the floor in the clip 

    The superstar singer was seen onstage in Santiago, Chile on Saturday

    The superstar singer was seen onstage in Santiago, Chile on Saturday 

    NASA Extends Ingenuity Helicopter Mission on Mars

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    The American space agency NASA has extended flight operations on Mars for its Ingenuity helicopter.

    Ingenuity landed on Mars a little over a year ago along with NASA’s Perseverance explorer, or rover.

    At first, NASA officials described Ingenuity as a demonstration mission. It was designed to see whether the small aircraft could take off, fly a short distance, and then land on the Red Planet.

    The helicopter quickly succeeded in those areas during a series of tests. NASA said the flights marked the first time any aircraft had performed a powered, controlled flight on another planet.

    Last May, NASA announced it was expanding Ingenuity’s experimental mission. Since then, Ingenuity has kept flying on Mars. So far, the helicopter has completed 21 flights. On March 15, the space agency announced it was extending Ingenuity’s mission through September.

    NASA’s Ingenuity Mars Helicopter captured this image in the northwest portion of a Mars region known as “Séítah” using its high-resolution color camera during its 20th flight on Feb. 25, 2022. (Image Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech)

    Thomas Zurbuchen is associate administrator of NASA’s Science Mission Directorate. He praised Ingenuity’s progress. “Less than a year ago, we didn’t even know if powered, controlled flight of an aircraft at Mars was possible,” he said. “Now, we are looking forward to Ingenuity’s involvement in Perseverance’s second science campaign.”

    During that next science campaign, NASA says, Ingenuity will center on exploring an ancient river system on Mars’ Jezero Crater. Ingenuity has been working together with Perseverance in an area of Jezero known as Séítah.

    NASA says the river system Ingenuity will help explore is very different from the areas it has been flying over since its first flight in April. The past flights have been carried out over mostly flat surfaces. The river system, called a delta, rises more than 40 meters above the crater floor. It contains sharp cliffs, large rocks and sand-filled areas.

    Such areas could present transportation difficulties for the Perseverance rover. So, the helicopter’s main goal will be to help map a safe path for Perseverance to cross over into the delta, NASA said. In addition, data provided by the helicopter will help the Perseverance team assess possible science targets.

    The river delta area is considered a good target for science experiments because it is believed to hold valuable geologic elements. NASA said the area may even contain “the proof necessary to determine (whether) microscopic life once existed on Mars billions of years ago.” Perseverance is on a mission to search for signs of ancient microbial life on Mars.

    Teddy Tzanetos is the Ingenuity team lead at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory in California. He said the Jezero river delta campaign “will be the biggest challenge the Ingenuity team faces since the first flight at Mars.” In preparation for the helicopter’s upcoming activities, Tzanetos said he had increased the size of the team and upgraded the aircraft’s flight software.

    This annotated image depicts the multiple flights – and two different paths – NASA’s Ingenuity Mars Helicopter could take on its trip to Jezero Crater’s delta river system. (Image Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/University of Arizona/USGS)

    This annotated image depicts the multiple flights – and two different paths – NASA’s Ingenuity Mars Helicopter could take on its trip to Jezero Crater’s delta river system. (Image Credit: NASA/JPL-Caltech/University of Arizona/USGS)

    The upgrades are designed to permit Ingenuity to fly higher, make longer trips and improve safety in more difficult conditions.

    So far, Ingenuity has flown more than 38 minutes and traveled 4.6 kilometers. NASA says the helicopter’s 22nd flight is set to happen no earlier than March 19. It is expected to include a “complex” move requiring the aircraft to take a sharp turn to avoid a large hill in its path.

    Ingenuity’s chief pilot is Håvard Grip. He noted that the continuing flights are quickly filling up a book he uses to record each trip. He said when the mission started, he thought he would be lucky to record five flights. “Now, at the rate we’re going, I’m going to need a second book,” Grip said.

    I’m Bryan Lynn.

    Bryan Lynn wrote this report for VOA Learning English, based on reports from NASA.

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    Quiz – NASA Extends Ingenuity Helicopter Mission on Mars

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    Words in This Story

    mission – n. an important project or trip, especially involving space travel

    crater – n. a big hole in the ground created by the force of an object

    cliff – n. an area containing high, steep rocks

    assess – v. make a judgement about the quality, size, value, etc. of something

    determine – v. to officially decide something because of evidence or facts

    challenge – n. a difficult task or problem; something that is hard to do

    upgrade – v. to improve something by making it newer or better quality

    Creating an Inclusive Political Order

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    True representative democracy depends on making access to voting a realistic option for all.

    The fundamental task for American democracy today is to create an inclusive political order.

    An inclusive order includes everyone. It fundamentally entails creating a political and constitutional structure that takes seriously the right to vote and assures that right is not undermined for any group, whether on the basis of race, ideology, or geography. The future of voting rights law and policy should focus on developing a new political and legal consensus in which voting is regarded as a universal and fundamental right, made available to all.

    Throughout U.S. history, race and political power have long been interrelated. Structural political inequality and structural racial inequality have been mutually reinforcing, so solving racial discrimination in voting will require a vigorous commitment to resolving political inequality—and vice versa. In other words, commitment to political equality must include a commitment to eradicating racial discrimination in voting. To eradicate discrimination in voting and achieve real political equality, election law must become centralized and nationalized. States should thus be precluded from regulatory practices that undermine inclusiveness and political equality.

    In an inclusive political order, the current conception of state sovereignty in setting election rules has no role to play. That current conception holds that a state can effectively discriminate on the basis of race because the only way to stop the state is by proving it acted on the basis of a racial motivation.

    In effect, election law today allows a state to engage in a kind of legal arbitrage in their election rules. If states can justify election rules on the basis of politics or political ideology, even though these two things can be interrelated with race, the Court will not say anything about what the state has done. This practice must change. State governments should not regulate the elections franchise in ways that keep it from being effective for anyone. The franchise should be effective for all, and state governments should not be allowed to change voting rules to make it harder for citizens to vote on the basis of race, party, or other ideological grounds or impose other barriers to political participation. Only then can the United States break free of the ways in which structural political inequality and structural racial inequality are intertwined

    Perhaps no other U.S. Supreme Court case as vividly presents the important symbiotic relationship between structural political inequality and structural racial inequality as does Gomillion v. Lightfoot, decided in 1960. In that case, the Supreme Court struck down on Fifteenth Amendment grounds the Alabama legislature’s decision radically redrawing the electoral district for the city of Tuskegee to exclude Black people from the voting pool. A quick look back at that case helps map out the possibilities for thinking about how to deal with racial discrimination today. This examination can reveal insights about what is needed in the wake of efforts by many recent state legislatures to regulate the voting process in ways that purport to be based on grounds other than race, but which serve only to reinforce structural racial inequality.

    Gomillion posed an epistemic challenge for civil rights advocates. They had to prove that the redrawing of the boundaries of Tuskegee was a racial gerrymander—a segregation of the races—and not a political gerrymander or simply a remapping of the municipal boundaries. A racial gerrymander would have been unconstitutional, but a political gerrymander, or a mere change in the municipal boundaries, was within the state’s sovereign power under the law of the time.

    Although the state statute in Gomillion did not say anything about race, or really anything other than latitude and longitude of the electoral district for the city of Tuskegee, there was no doubt that the remapping of Tuskegee was a blatant racial gerrymander. Sam Engelhardt, the state senator who authored the statute in the Alabama legislature, was crystal clear about the statute’s purpose. He said he wanted to exclude colored voters who might become the balance of power in Tuskegee city elections.

    But according to the existing legal doctrine of the time, state legislators’ motivations, as long as they did not appear evident in the terms of the statute, were not a relevant consideration for ascertaining the constitutionality of the statute. So, unless the plaintiffs could convince a court and the Supreme Court to take motive into account, or that the redrawing of the lines was a racial gerrymander, the courts would defer to Alabama, as they did in both the district court and the U.S. Court of Appeals in Gomillion. These lower courts deferred to the state’s argument that, as long as the state was not expressly engaged in racial discrimination, its sovereign right to implement its own conception of political equality ought to be respected.

    Although Gomillion’s lawyers did not have much admissible evidence showing racial motivations, they did have the redrawn map showing the new boundaries of Tuskegee. The map itself illustrated the egregiousness of the state’s racial discrimination. Look at the map, the civil rights lawyers urged when the case reached the U.S. Supreme Court. The lines of the map represented how Alabama removed almost every single registered Black voter from the City of Tuskegee but not a single white person, much less a white voter. The jagged lines of the map made clear that this was not a normal redrawing of the municipal boundaries. After being redrawn by the state legislature, Tuskegee had gone from basically a large square to a much smaller 28-sided town. The new map removed every single one but four or five Black registered voters from the confines of the city. The state’s exclusionary purpose and effect was revealed by the map.

    Everyone knew what the state was doing: preventing Black people from being able to register and to vote. Tuskegee was a racial oligarchy. Before the line redrawing, the majority population in Tuskegee was Black, outnumbering white people five to one. But white people held all the political power. No Black people held an elected position at any level in the city or county.

    Legally, the challenge for the plaintiffs’ lawyers in Gomillion was getting around the state’s reliance on the theory of state sovereignty. That theory shielded the state’s voting discrimination against its Black citizens under the cloak of neutrality. The state argued that the redrawing of Tuskegee’s borders was just that: It was a map that drew new boundaries of a subsidiary of the state. It did not separate the races upon its face. Alabama even argued that lawsuits about political boundaries were nonjusticiable because they raised questions that the federal courts did not have the power to decide. The state’s arguments in Gomillion contained the seeds of what has become the modern legal framework, in which the Court declared in 2019 that challenges to gerrymandering are now nonjusticiable.

    Gomillion vividly reveals the symbiotic relationship between structural political inequality and structural racial inequality. Alabama’s plan to remove Black residents from Tuskegee was possible and submissible only because the Constitution allowed the states to create unequal political units. The Court had not been interpreting the Constitution to require states to create political units that weighed votes equally. Instead, the Court had allowed states to create oligarchies.

    Alabama was thus subject to two different constitutional regimes: one that required it to grant its citizens equal suffrage rights on the basis of race, but another that allowed it to do whatever it wanted with citizens in its political units. In the first, the state was regulated, and, in the second, it was unregulated

    Correspondingly, Black citizens were also subjected to two different types of legal regimes. If they were categorized on the basis of their race, they were entitled to equal suffrage rights. But if they were categorized by geography, political unit, or political party, they could then be treated unequally.

    These different regimes presented Alabama with an arbitrage opportunity. The constitutional system would prevent Alabama from denying suffrage rights to Black people, but would not prevent Alabama from favoring one set of political units over another. Alabama could still achieve its racially discriminatory aim—oppressing the voting rights of its Black citizens by placing them in disfavored political units. The state simply needed to convince the federal courts that the Constitution gave it the right to elect between two different regulatory regimes. And so long as Alabama could shield its racism behind the veil of state sovereignty, despite what everyone knew was going on, Alabama could maintain both its racial and political oligarchy

    But racial oligarchy and political oligarchy are intertwined, and it is hard to have one without the other. In Gomillion, the question was whether the federal courts were willing to go along. They almost did—until the case reached the Supreme Court. The Court ultimately rejected the approach taken in the lower courts and decided that the unconstitutional racial purpose was evident from the map itself. It held that the Fifteenth Amendment barred the redrawing of Tuskegee’s boundaries in a way that removed virtually all its Black voters.

    Nevertheless, Gomillion demonstrates the challenge that plaintiffs face today when bringing voting equality claims because of the legal system’s default presumption of plenary and legitimate state power. The law in many respects still views state authority as presumptively legitimate. When the state regulates on the basis of its authority to structure its local electoral process, the courts tend to defer. In part, they do so because claims of racial discrimination can raise significant epistemic uncertainties; the questions can be very complicated. Is a voter ID requirement a racially discriminatory device? Or is it simply the state deciding for itself what to do with its local system?

    Gomillion presented a multifaceted puzzle that has long bedeviled the courts. How should constitutional law respond to the intersection of structural racial and political inequality? Law and politics jurisprudence has generally offered four approaches when confronted with structural political and racial subordination.

    The first approach is pure and unquestioned judicial deference to the state’s supposed sovereign right to determine its voting rules and arrange its electoral institutions in any manner consistent with the state’s values. This total deference approach rarely acknowledges either racial inequality or political inequality.

    The second response is to acknowledge racial inequality but nevertheless defer to the state on plenary power grounds.

    The third approach defers to the state on the theory that any racial inequality claim is, at bottom, a claim about political power and therefore indistinguishable from a claim of unequal political power.

    Lastly, there is the approach of race exceptionalism, which is the argument that racial discrimination is an exception to the state’s plenary powers. A state’s officials can do whatever they want, and the courts will defer to them—except when they are engaged in racial discrimination. This is the approach taken in Gomillion, where the Supreme Court decided that clear racial discrimination violates the Constitution even where the state has the right to structure its political framework in a manner it sees fit.

    There is, though, still a fifth possible approach. But this approach has rarely found support in the courts. It concedes that structural racial inequality and political oligarchy are mutually symbiotic. Both types of inequality grow from each other, and the harm caused by one type is compounded by the other. Precisely because the harms caused by both types are compounded by their co-occurrence, they both require congressional or judicial oversight of state electoral policies. This approach is the one I recommend.

    It is also an approach reflected in the Voting Rights Act (VRA), which was itself influenced by this idea that political equality and racial inequality are intertwined. For 50 years, the VRA provided the regulatory framework that placed the question of voting inequality at its center. Even though the Fifteenth Amendment was nominally the fundamental law of the land, the VRA gave promise and life to the Fifteenth and the Fourteenth Amendments and began to deliver on the implicit guarantees of self-rule under the Fourth Amendment. The VRA brought the South into the fold of representative democracy and signaled to the nation that a new era of both racial and political equality was at hand.

    That regime ended in 2013 with the Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County v. Holder, in which the Court struck down Section 4(b) of the VRA, the provision that identified the jurisdictions required to obtain preclearance, and also sidelined Section 5 of the VRA, the provision that required preclearance. Section 5 of the VRA said that any state or locality subject to Section 4 had to preclear changes related to voting. The Court’s decision in Shelby County, although not a surprise to voting rights experts, ended a regulatory framework in which racial discrimination was placed front and center in the regulatory firmament. From the Court’s perspective, the VRA violated the conception of state sovereignty, the same basic idea that it had earlier rejected in Gomillion.

    Shelby County thus effectively ended a regulatory regime that aimed for political inclusiveness, and its aftermath led to the current deregulatory world. The question, then, is where the United States ought to go from here?

    The future of voting rights law should be grounded on full inclusivity and equality. Everyone’s right to vote must be taken seriously—and conceptions of state sovereignty have no role to play in such a future. Neither the public nor the legal system should allow the government to regulate the franchise in ways that diminish its efficacy.

    We need to mobilize today around the vision of inclusivity in much the same way that protest movements mobilized to bring about the VRA. Black activists saw the VRA as a means to remake the racial order by remaking the political order. That protest movement changed not only politics but also constitutional law. The task in the post-VRA world is to take the lessons learned—namely, that there is a strong relationship between racial hierarchy and political oligarchy—and move forward toward a vision of a new world of equality.

    What does this new world look like? It looks like two new statutes that have been proposed in Congress: the For the People Act and the Freedom to Vote Act. If you look at the Freedom to Vote Act, for example, it takes voting seriously as a fundamental right. It attempts to articulate best practices in organizing inclusive elections and then nationalizes those practices. It undermines the conception of state sovereignty in which the state has the right to create its political structure as it sees fit. It recognizes that the right to vote belongs to citizens, so it makes certain that everyone has access to practices such as early voting, mail voting, and no-excuse absentee balloting. It prevents partisan gerrymandering, provides remedies for vote certification, and modernizes voter registration. It recognizes the fundamental goal of making voting and political participation an important aspect of democracy.

    To move forward in the 21st century, society must recognize that political equality and racial equality are mutually reinforcing and one cannot exist without the other. Admittedly, the U.S. public is extremely divided today and too many states are still engaged in discrimination on the basis of voting—whether on the basis of partisanship, race, or a combination of the two. And with current patterns of gerrymandering and redistricting in today’s deregulatory environment, there are certainly reasons to be pessimistic.

    But on the other hand, for the first time in a long time, a strong segment of the population wants to tackle not just voting equality questions, but also questions of electoral structures: the Electoral College, the composition of the Senate, different ways of organizing an alternative voting system. Today, all these issues are on the table. In addition, many jurisdictions have adopted same-day registration, early voting, and other best practices that make it easier for people to participate in elections. As a result, even though there are surely reasons for despair today, thinking about how far the United States has come in terms of political participation and anticipating where it might be five, ten, or fifteen years down the road, well, who knows? There is possibility for hope.

    The question then becomes: How does the United States move beyond the present deregulatory posture of federal law and build a social movement for the purposes of making the legal change needed to ensure full democratic inclusiveness? I see that we need to build a new movement worthy of the civil rights movement that led in the mid-1960s to the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. It is ultimately up to us to make that happen. It is up to us to move the ball forward to make political power and representative democracy true for everyone and for all of us.

    This essay is based on remarks delivered at the Annual Distinguished Lecture on Regulation at the University of Pennsylvania Law School on November 2, 2021.